And to grasp the amount of preparation and the vast number of hanji paper lanterns involved, here is a glimpse at just a small portion of the loooong procession:
Sunday, April 27, 2014
2014 Seoul Lantern Parade
The 2014 Seoul Lantern Parade, a huge procession of lanterns made from hanji (Korean traditional paper) and lights. Thousands upon thousands of participants in groups wearing matching traditional or modern-traditional hanbok were in the marching ranks. Held or propelled by participants were thousands upon many more thousands of lanterns, some massive while others small, were in the long two hour and a half procession from Dongdaemun Station to the Chogyesa, the largest Buddhist temple in Seoul. All in celebration of Buddha's upcoming birthday, solar calendar this year—May 6—the 8th day of the 4th month in the lunar calendar).
Saturday, April 26, 2014
Performers in Modern Day Society
Adam Glassman, a recent graduate of Grinnell College where he studied Theatre and Dance, gave an impressive presentation on "Traditions through Change: The Role of Performance in Modern Society". His focus in theater is as a director, and his work mainly deals with ending the audience-performs relationship barrier and further studying the consciousness shifting for creating new rituals to reflect life in modern society. He has spent time traveling and learning shamanic and modern performance techniques in countries like India, Tibet and Japan, among others. With his research efforts in South Korea, he hopes to fuse lessons learned from different training methods and lifestyles to create a new type of modern performer.
Abstract of his presentation:
"South Korea stands as a country where digital billboards and cutting edge technology exist side by side with an emerging break dancing movement, a massive market for Broadway productions as well as ancient shamanic rituals. Whereas many nations stamp out such parts of society in an attempt to become 'modern', South Korea has taken a unique path where performance and face-to-face interaction remains an everyday part of society. In my project I work, train and, at times, live with these dancers, performers and shaman (called mudang) to learn what the role of the performer is in South Korean society and why performance has remained so integral to Korean life. I will recount my experiences of staying and living with mudang, training with K-pop choreographers, and share interviews with arts administrators from different parts of Seoul. By taking a broad and immersive approach to the project, I can draw similarities and recurring themes that define the way performance and live action define South Korean life. In turn, I hope to take these lessons and training methods back to the United States to create a new method of training and a new style of performance. Basing many of my new ideas off of the shamanic gut (Korean mudang rituals often translated loosely as exorcism), I hope to discover how live performance does more for us than entertain, and further hope to define the true role and need for the performer in modern society."
Why Korea?
Korea has a very unique history of theater, particularly in regard to three aspects: stage, actors and audience. Traditionally performances were held on unusual stages, or rather arenas or in streets, in houses, yards or at seasides. The stages were not elevated to be above the audience but to be on the same plane with the audience because the performers, who also functioned as actors, interacted with the audience and the audience was expected to talk, dance, even shout in ardent interactions with the performer-actors. The separation of the audience and performers by a barrier didn't in fact take place in Korea until the Japanese colonial period when the Japanese sought to use the performers to relate propaganda to the audience while curbing the spontaneity and interaction between the traveling performer-actors, who could also be delivering information to the audience.
Another reason Adam Glassman desired to do research in Korea is to take a closer look at the unique style of shamanism practiced in South Korea. There are many shamans in the country, and they are not in many regards respected but then they are not ostracized or vilified either. While scientific studies have greatly reduced the amount of beliefs in spiritualism and superstitions in Korea, businessmen still seek out mudang for good luck ceremonies in their private businesses, mothers still buy Buddhist talismans wishing luck for their children to pass exams, and housewives still pay for over-the-mantel "prayer" papers ensuring health in new homes and hanging bamboo on the northern walls to fend off evil which is believed to come from that direction. In fact, more than 40,000 shamans are registered in Korea although it is believed that the number is much higher for many shaman have not registered for whatever reason.
Curiously, the mudang are categorized as cultural treasures. Although many people believe the mudang inhibit the firm step into modernism, the government has declared them as national heritages, and especially so since many government officials go to them for beneficial ceremonies themselves.
Unlike other dance performances in other countries, in the Korean traditional ceremonies and shamanic performance conducted by the mudang, the audience is always present. The performance of the mudang is to empty one's self from their body and become a vessel for a "ghost". They dance around and do odd actions. A drummer drums for hours before a possession and ritualistic clothing and symbols are worn or waved around to entice and invite the spirits. The concept of "mu" is the idea of a collective Korean subconsciousness and has heavy connotations. The idea of facilitate or "punryuu" is apparent, and the drumming and dancing facilitate the invisible connection that happens when people meet, and this is the main goal and interaction of the mudang, to let the individual and the spirit world meet. For this reason, business owners are the main patrons of mudang as the businessmen need their businesses purified of evil presence, and the mudang dancing and interacting with the spirit world accompanied by the incessant drumming clear the evil spirits and are thought to revitalize the business. During the gut, something amazing happens which proves the presence of the spirits and during the dancing that channels the sprites, a lot of improvision happens under "possession".
Other kinds of performances
Talchu or Korean mask dance. Again, this is a communal performance, and audience and the performers have moments when they dance together. The dancing is spontaneous and non-choreographed, and as everyone dances together, it's like sharing one large group hug. Everyone feels kind of healed at the end of the performance and even the gods are happy.
Nanta is a South Korean comedy cooking show that employs samulnori or farmer dance rhythms. The mostly non-verbal performance has been taken to 18 countries and even enjoyed a year (2004-2005) in an off Broadway show. It still runs in Korea, and three theaters on mainland South Korea and one theater in Jeju hold the performance even today. Most Koreans, mainly because of its international popularity which has increased its domestic popularity, know of or have seen this performance. Even though its stage is non-traditional and the actors perform on an elevated stage, the audience is still expected to interact in not only words, even those lustily shouted, but some members of the audience are dragged onto the stage to be an actual part of the performance. Nanta is a modern-day show that creates communal excitement and interaction, and so this unusual South Korean performance is an eclectic blend of a modern stage but with the Korean concept of highly charged actors who perform as well as interact with the audience.
The street dance movement is taking off in South Korea. Unlike North and South America and other countries that have a history of street dancing, Korea cannot boast of such a history. However, Koreans are embracing the movement and are very good in their performances. Similar to Korean traditional street performances, street dancing and break dancing are performed with a lot of communal interactions. The audience is not sitting but standing and gathering around, watching, cheering, and even members of the audience challenging the performers and showing their own alternative moves.
Case Study: Living with a Mudang
Adam for a time lived with a mudang. Most mudang are women, especially in the more traditional society; however, in these modern times, more men have entered the "profession" and for several months Adam lived with and studied under Gum-gang, a male shaman who didn't only practice shamanic rituals but also prescribed and brewed traditional medicines and practiced traditional healing rituals.
Some traditional medicines Adam learned about were that homemade remedies with persimmon help alleviate diarrhea, plum juice clears cold and kills soar throat, while sujunggwa (a cinnamon blended drink) helps with blood flow, circulation and clears the sinuses. He learned about hyol cheol'li or the death points in the body (a total of 24). By massaging them ki or energy can be released, but hitting them really hard could cause unconsciousness or even death.
Two examples Adam shared concerned himself and his regard of the legitimacy of the mudang as a viable practitioner of medicine concerned accupressure that the shaman performed on Adam. The mudang was demonstrating deep-massage techniques to Adam on various parts of the body and hit on a tiny spot that hurt Adam severely between his toes. The shaman informed Adam that the spot revealed that Adam had been drinking a lot the previous day, which was true. Another more meaningful revelation using accupressure was on another day when the shaman hit a spot the size of a tiny pin head that was extremely painful to Adam. Again the shaman had an explanation; he said that Adam had been overweight as a child, again it was true but this time Adam was very amazed because the shaman could not have known in any way that Adam had fought obesity as a child and teenager.
What Adam learned from his time with the mudang is that shamans are friends, guides, mentors, counselors and care-givers. They have many roles, but the majority of them employ a familiar interaction with the people they seek to heal, be it through a gut ceremony, medicines or therapy healings or in any other interaction. This time taught him that shamans ... as well as the performers in Nanta, street dances, etc in Korea ... reach out to people and "help" them, improve their conditions, and by giving something of themselves to people they are creating a better and more cohesive community because they invoke a kind of metaphysical healing to society.
A quote from Oh Tae'Sok, one of Korea's most popular theatrical writers:
"Our theatrical traditions never had any fixed forms, as do Japan's noh and kabuki theaters. In Japan the performer enters the structure of a form at an early age and then moves on to develop his own artistry in it. Well, then, why don't we have such forms? Wouldn't it have been nice if we had a similarly formalized tradition? But listen to Korean music and its changdan (rhythmic patterns). It never keeps the same beat. Our tradition has always avoided set forms. It has descended to us not in a fixed-sate, but in an ever-flowing fashion. Our tradition has grown spontaneously. It constantly changes, reflecting current situations because it is innately fluid." Oh Tae'Sok
Abstract of his presentation:
"South Korea stands as a country where digital billboards and cutting edge technology exist side by side with an emerging break dancing movement, a massive market for Broadway productions as well as ancient shamanic rituals. Whereas many nations stamp out such parts of society in an attempt to become 'modern', South Korea has taken a unique path where performance and face-to-face interaction remains an everyday part of society. In my project I work, train and, at times, live with these dancers, performers and shaman (called mudang) to learn what the role of the performer is in South Korean society and why performance has remained so integral to Korean life. I will recount my experiences of staying and living with mudang, training with K-pop choreographers, and share interviews with arts administrators from different parts of Seoul. By taking a broad and immersive approach to the project, I can draw similarities and recurring themes that define the way performance and live action define South Korean life. In turn, I hope to take these lessons and training methods back to the United States to create a new method of training and a new style of performance. Basing many of my new ideas off of the shamanic gut (Korean mudang rituals often translated loosely as exorcism), I hope to discover how live performance does more for us than entertain, and further hope to define the true role and need for the performer in modern society."
Why Korea?
Korea has a very unique history of theater, particularly in regard to three aspects: stage, actors and audience. Traditionally performances were held on unusual stages, or rather arenas or in streets, in houses, yards or at seasides. The stages were not elevated to be above the audience but to be on the same plane with the audience because the performers, who also functioned as actors, interacted with the audience and the audience was expected to talk, dance, even shout in ardent interactions with the performer-actors. The separation of the audience and performers by a barrier didn't in fact take place in Korea until the Japanese colonial period when the Japanese sought to use the performers to relate propaganda to the audience while curbing the spontaneity and interaction between the traveling performer-actors, who could also be delivering information to the audience.
Curiously, the mudang are categorized as cultural treasures. Although many people believe the mudang inhibit the firm step into modernism, the government has declared them as national heritages, and especially so since many government officials go to them for beneficial ceremonies themselves.
 |
| Source |
Other kinds of performances
Talchu or Korean mask dance. Again, this is a communal performance, and audience and the performers have moments when they dance together. The dancing is spontaneous and non-choreographed, and as everyone dances together, it's like sharing one large group hug. Everyone feels kind of healed at the end of the performance and even the gods are happy.
Nanta is a South Korean comedy cooking show that employs samulnori or farmer dance rhythms. The mostly non-verbal performance has been taken to 18 countries and even enjoyed a year (2004-2005) in an off Broadway show. It still runs in Korea, and three theaters on mainland South Korea and one theater in Jeju hold the performance even today. Most Koreans, mainly because of its international popularity which has increased its domestic popularity, know of or have seen this performance. Even though its stage is non-traditional and the actors perform on an elevated stage, the audience is still expected to interact in not only words, even those lustily shouted, but some members of the audience are dragged onto the stage to be an actual part of the performance. Nanta is a modern-day show that creates communal excitement and interaction, and so this unusual South Korean performance is an eclectic blend of a modern stage but with the Korean concept of highly charged actors who perform as well as interact with the audience.
The street dance movement is taking off in South Korea. Unlike North and South America and other countries that have a history of street dancing, Korea cannot boast of such a history. However, Koreans are embracing the movement and are very good in their performances. Similar to Korean traditional street performances, street dancing and break dancing are performed with a lot of communal interactions. The audience is not sitting but standing and gathering around, watching, cheering, and even members of the audience challenging the performers and showing their own alternative moves.
Case Study: Living with a Mudang
Adam for a time lived with a mudang. Most mudang are women, especially in the more traditional society; however, in these modern times, more men have entered the "profession" and for several months Adam lived with and studied under Gum-gang, a male shaman who didn't only practice shamanic rituals but also prescribed and brewed traditional medicines and practiced traditional healing rituals.
Some traditional medicines Adam learned about were that homemade remedies with persimmon help alleviate diarrhea, plum juice clears cold and kills soar throat, while sujunggwa (a cinnamon blended drink) helps with blood flow, circulation and clears the sinuses. He learned about hyol cheol'li or the death points in the body (a total of 24). By massaging them ki or energy can be released, but hitting them really hard could cause unconsciousness or even death.
Two examples Adam shared concerned himself and his regard of the legitimacy of the mudang as a viable practitioner of medicine concerned accupressure that the shaman performed on Adam. The mudang was demonstrating deep-massage techniques to Adam on various parts of the body and hit on a tiny spot that hurt Adam severely between his toes. The shaman informed Adam that the spot revealed that Adam had been drinking a lot the previous day, which was true. Another more meaningful revelation using accupressure was on another day when the shaman hit a spot the size of a tiny pin head that was extremely painful to Adam. Again the shaman had an explanation; he said that Adam had been overweight as a child, again it was true but this time Adam was very amazed because the shaman could not have known in any way that Adam had fought obesity as a child and teenager.
What Adam learned from his time with the mudang is that shamans are friends, guides, mentors, counselors and care-givers. They have many roles, but the majority of them employ a familiar interaction with the people they seek to heal, be it through a gut ceremony, medicines or therapy healings or in any other interaction. This time taught him that shamans ... as well as the performers in Nanta, street dances, etc in Korea ... reach out to people and "help" them, improve their conditions, and by giving something of themselves to people they are creating a better and more cohesive community because they invoke a kind of metaphysical healing to society.
A quote from Oh Tae'Sok, one of Korea's most popular theatrical writers:
"Our theatrical traditions never had any fixed forms, as do Japan's noh and kabuki theaters. In Japan the performer enters the structure of a form at an early age and then moves on to develop his own artistry in it. Well, then, why don't we have such forms? Wouldn't it have been nice if we had a similarly formalized tradition? But listen to Korean music and its changdan (rhythmic patterns). It never keeps the same beat. Our tradition has always avoided set forms. It has descended to us not in a fixed-sate, but in an ever-flowing fashion. Our tradition has grown spontaneously. It constantly changes, reflecting current situations because it is innately fluid." Oh Tae'Sok
Friday, April 25, 2014
Blood, Looks, Language: Moderating Ethnicity
The Fulbright presentation on “Blood,” Looks, Language: The Moderating Effects of Race and Ethnicity on Identity was given by Dorry Guerra, a recent graduate of University of Pennsylvania where she majored in Visual Studies. As a Fulbright researcher in Seoul, South Korea, she is conducting research through the Social and Cultural Psychology Lab at Yonsei University. Her PhD interests are perceptions and conceptualizations of race and racial categories; their psychological implications; and multiculturalism, particularly in the context of a demographically changing Korea.
 |
| Image source: Sey, Adwoa Nana, Breaking Bad "FeLiNa" Poster, 2013 (adapted). Original artwork |
Abstract:
Through a series of social psychology experiments, this project attempts to ascertain the ways in which “native” Koreans (those who are both racially and ethnically Korean) perceive the identity of multiracial and multicultural Koreans. Under the umbrella of “identity,” “race” and “ethnicity” are the variables studied; more specifically, the interaction between “blood” (one’s heritage or ancestry), phenotype (how one looks)—considered in this context as “racial” features—and language— considered in this context as an “ethic” feature—is examined. The purpose of the studies is to understand which of these three variables is privileged when determining the identity of “ambiguous” others, and to understand which “others” are considered most “Korean.”
This project has a cross-cultural component in that a parallel study is to be run in the United States, in order to understand notions of “American-ness” as compared to those of “Korean-ness.” Following previous work (Steffans & Mummendey, 2010) that shows that Europeans rely more on accent information (than on appearance information) when determining what country a person is from, the hypothesis is that American participants will similarly rely more on “language” information (than on “looks” or “blood” information) when determining who is most “American.” On the other hand, the prediction is that Korean participants will rely more on “blood” information (than on “looks” or “language” information) when determining who is most “Korean.”
This research has implications for the psychological and social well-being and acceptance of not only those who are traditionally considered “other” in Korea, but of all Koreans.
Some points of particular interest in the presentation are:
Hypothesis: "blood," looks and language
This focus on blood is grounded on the notion of the 1920s that "blood" is most important. This notion was used to promote solidarity in a time of colonialism ... but this was also a time when Korea was very homogeneous so concepts of blood were very relevant. However, with such a large number of multicultural families being created, the resulting concept of homogeneity of "being Korean" is being challenged, especially as the use or non-use of Korean has become a factor along with non-stereotypical looks of mixed heritage Koreans.
Earlier studies related to Dorry Guerra's research were conducted by Lee Jae Kab in the early 1990s. Lee Jae Kab did studies on Amerasians; his studies were on the children who were given their Asian blood connections via their mothers.
Two key phrases that Dorry is exploring are sociability desirability bias (internal and external factors that determine a person's level of acceptance or non-acceptance in a group) and racial essentialism (a sociological factor that results in racial stereotyping and discrimination).
The concepts of "blood" were wooly in the presentation, but then they are wooly in society as everyone seems to have an opinion on what blood is but then in practical terms of interaction, those opinions might not be realized in actual practice ... and this seemed to the case in the presentation too.
Through a series of social psychology experiments, this project attempts to ascertain the ways in which “native” Koreans (those who are both racially and ethnically Korean) perceive the identity of multiracial and multicultural Koreans. Under the umbrella of “identity,” “race” and “ethnicity” are the variables studied; more specifically, the interaction between “blood” (one’s heritage or ancestry), phenotype (how one looks)—considered in this context as “racial” features—and language— considered in this context as an “ethic” feature—is examined. The purpose of the studies is to understand which of these three variables is privileged when determining the identity of “ambiguous” others, and to understand which “others” are considered most “Korean.”
This project has a cross-cultural component in that a parallel study is to be run in the United States, in order to understand notions of “American-ness” as compared to those of “Korean-ness.” Following previous work (Steffans & Mummendey, 2010) that shows that Europeans rely more on accent information (than on appearance information) when determining what country a person is from, the hypothesis is that American participants will similarly rely more on “language” information (than on “looks” or “blood” information) when determining who is most “American.” On the other hand, the prediction is that Korean participants will rely more on “blood” information (than on “looks” or “language” information) when determining who is most “Korean.”
This research has implications for the psychological and social well-being and acceptance of not only those who are traditionally considered “other” in Korea, but of all Koreans.
Some points of particular interest in the presentation are:
- In 2010, one in three babies born in South Korea were born into multiracial families, that is, one of the parents is Korean and the other is a non-Korean, most typically from China and SE Asia.
- In 2050, 20% of the population in South Korea will be multicultural.
- South Korea is the world's leader in international marriages!
Hypothesis: "blood," looks and language
This focus on blood is grounded on the notion of the 1920s that "blood" is most important. This notion was used to promote solidarity in a time of colonialism ... but this was also a time when Korea was very homogeneous so concepts of blood were very relevant. However, with such a large number of multicultural families being created, the resulting concept of homogeneity of "being Korean" is being challenged, especially as the use or non-use of Korean has become a factor along with non-stereotypical looks of mixed heritage Koreans.
Earlier studies related to Dorry Guerra's research were conducted by Lee Jae Kab in the early 1990s. Lee Jae Kab did studies on Amerasians; his studies were on the children who were given their Asian blood connections via their mothers.
Two key phrases that Dorry is exploring are sociability desirability bias (internal and external factors that determine a person's level of acceptance or non-acceptance in a group) and racial essentialism (a sociological factor that results in racial stereotyping and discrimination).
The concepts of "blood" were wooly in the presentation, but then they are wooly in society as everyone seems to have an opinion on what blood is but then in practical terms of interaction, those opinions might not be realized in actual practice ... and this seemed to the case in the presentation too.
Tuesday, April 22, 2014
North Korea: Accelerating Change from the Bottom-up
North Korea is often seen from the outside as a static and hopeless issue, with the North Korean people portrayed as mindless robots, single-mindedly following the wishes of the regime leadership. However, the reality of North Korean society and the lives of the North Korean people is increasingly diverging from this outdated stereotype. Drawing on insights from recent defectors, this talk will discuss the significance of several irreversible grassroots changes that have emerged in North Korean society, what this may mean for the future of the country, and how progress can be brought forward in North Korea.
In the presentation Sokeel Park (biographical info at the end) looks at six clear long-term irreversible reasons that will continue to provoke change in the North Korean society.
Change does not necessarily happen with the government. The government can make rulings, but it is the people that make up a nation, embody the nation, shape it, and with their needs and desires they determine where the nation will ultimately go, and North Korea is like other nations. It has been greatly repressed by its government, but the people still have needs and desires and as they are more and more able to pursue and meet those desires, the shape of the nation will change ... as it is rapidly changing now. Following are six reasons why transformation in North Korea is inevitable within our lifetime.
Reason 1: Bottom-up marketing. North Korea with its push to feed the military, and the people of North Korea desperate to feed themselves shaped the nation through need. The people had the need to find ways of feeding themselves and a market society started, and as it grew and grew the North Korean government lost control of the market economy. With means to feed themselves and means to make a little money, North Koreans desires expanded beyond the essentials for maintaining life.
Reason 2: The explosion of corruption. With people having a little money and ways of making an alternative living, the military in their authoritative positions pursue a means of making money too, via huge bribes, kickbacks and gross economic suppression. It seems the "effectiveness" of the North Korean society is based on these under-the-table economies.
BRIBES
Reason 3: Information technologies. The NK government has tried to make a closed media market. This however has rapidly changed in the last few years ... mainly due to the number of NKs who have directly experienced the Chinese market.
Reason 4: The increasing number of defectors. NK defectors have been leaving the last 15 years. They initially left for economic reasons but now it's for political reasons and to pursue more or new opportunities.
Reason 5: Jangmadang (Market) Generation. Jangmadang is the NK word for the SK 시장 (market). This generation (roughly those born after the 1980s) doesn't remember the government rice and food contributions but only when the NKs were self-supporting. And therefore this younger generation has no reason to feel dependent or reliant on the government, a government which has contributed nothing for them. Attitudes, desires, behaviors are very different from their parents'. This demographic is at present 18-35, but is growing and the NK government has no way of counteracting this viral spread of market goods, info and links to the global market.
Reason 6: Emergence of human networks. Networks or bonds are forming between people. As the government isn't supporting the people, the people are making links to give, receive, share, borrow info, goods, whatever. Basically it is shared illegal behavior that is bonding the people. Non-compliance and disobedience are creating an acceleration for change.
Two phenomena, however, are slowing down this rapid development within the NK society. The first is brutally effective suppression. NK is still a very politically oppressive society and is very intolerant of political dissent. The second reason is the ruling elite is cohesive and conservative for change. The ruling elite would inevitably lose their "jobs" if the people were allowed to vote or express their opinions. The elite would then lose their possessions, position, status, and would probably be expelled from the country or even lose their lives. Therefore, they know they must continue their hard political stance of top-down control and suppression of the people.
It is very hard to move a political economy if it is stationery, but since NK is moving from a bottom-up dynamism, it can therefore be supported by the international community.
Since 2012 when Kim ChongUn, NK leader, took over, the border crackdowns have vastly increased. But realistically, the NK government is only slowing down the influx of black-market goods and increasing defectors.
It seems the international community has given up on there being change in NK; however, that is failing to recognize that while the political front seems inflexible and summarily denies political or economic change, the NK people themselves are where the society is dynamic. Change is occurring from the bottom-up and is happening on such a huge scope that continuous change in only inevitable and sustainable.
Sokeel Park is the Director of Research and Strategy for Liberty in North Korea (LiNK). Based in Seoul, he regularly interview North Korean defectors and meets with practitioners working on the issue. He leads the development of LiNK's long-term strategies, pursuing opportunities to empower the North Korean people. Sokeel also engages with the international media to reframe North Korea by introducing more focus on the North Korean people and society, and has been cited by the Economist, Financial Times, BBC, Washington Post, CNN, Al Jazeera, KBS, El Mundo and the Guardian. Before joint LiNK he worked at the United Nations, a diplomatic consultancy, and the South Korean government.
In the presentation Sokeel Park (biographical info at the end) looks at six clear long-term irreversible reasons that will continue to provoke change in the North Korean society.
 |
| 5 reasons that change did not or could not happen previously in North Korea. |
Reason 1: Bottom-up marketing. North Korea with its push to feed the military, and the people of North Korea desperate to feed themselves shaped the nation through need. The people had the need to find ways of feeding themselves and a market society started, and as it grew and grew the North Korean government lost control of the market economy. With means to feed themselves and means to make a little money, North Koreans desires expanded beyond the essentials for maintaining life.
BRIBES
Not being required to go to work for a month – W50,000 - W60,000 NK won ($7)
Travel permit w/in the country w/in the province (less than $1)
toward
the border ($8)
to
diff province (($7)
to
Pyongyang ($16)
Using an illegal Chinese phone (about $500)
Phone confiscated by official (also paid about $300) but
bought another phone from same official
Bribe for not reporting watching a SK drama (about $300 - depends how many police catch you)
Reason 3: Information technologies. The NK government has tried to make a closed media market. This however has rapidly changed in the last few years ... mainly due to the number of NKs who have directly experienced the Chinese market.
About 53,000 NKs are working in the SK businesses in Gaesong
city.
NK media is extremely controlled and extremely boring!
Therefore, getting media and other technology via China are of great interest.
DVD player
($120)
DVD
($.80-$1.50) – fairly openly sold in the market, euphemistically asked for in
the market by query-ing, “Do you have something fun?”
One well-connected guy said it takes about a week for a movie
to get inside NK from the time it hits the theater.
4GB
multi-media stick ($6.50)
laptops,
second-hand ($150-$900 — Samsung is the most popular)
mobile
phone ($160-$240)
DVD player and mobile phones are fashion symbols as well as
status symbols.
Watching foreign media is a kind of low-level defiance … but
if you look at what the people are wearing, what’s being sold in the markets,
and hairstyles, there is obvious visual evidence of “defiance”.
It is common knowledge that China is surpassing NK. This is
greatly evidenced by the Chinese mobile phone economy in NK, China keeping
their lights on all night, and markets being loaded with a wide variety of
goods, many of which are foreign.
Reason 4: The increasing number of defectors. NK defectors have been leaving the last 15 years. They initially left for economic reasons but now it's for political reasons and to pursue more or new opportunities.
Reason 5: Jangmadang (Market) Generation. Jangmadang is the NK word for the SK 시장 (market). This generation (roughly those born after the 1980s) doesn't remember the government rice and food contributions but only when the NKs were self-supporting. And therefore this younger generation has no reason to feel dependent or reliant on the government, a government which has contributed nothing for them. Attitudes, desires, behaviors are very different from their parents'. This demographic is at present 18-35, but is growing and the NK government has no way of counteracting this viral spread of market goods, info and links to the global market.
Reason 6: Emergence of human networks. Networks or bonds are forming between people. As the government isn't supporting the people, the people are making links to give, receive, share, borrow info, goods, whatever. Basically it is shared illegal behavior that is bonding the people. Non-compliance and disobedience are creating an acceleration for change.
Two phenomena, however, are slowing down this rapid development within the NK society. The first is brutally effective suppression. NK is still a very politically oppressive society and is very intolerant of political dissent. The second reason is the ruling elite is cohesive and conservative for change. The ruling elite would inevitably lose their "jobs" if the people were allowed to vote or express their opinions. The elite would then lose their possessions, position, status, and would probably be expelled from the country or even lose their lives. Therefore, they know they must continue their hard political stance of top-down control and suppression of the people.
It is very hard to move a political economy if it is stationery, but since NK is moving from a bottom-up dynamism, it can therefore be supported by the international community.
 |
| A lot of money ($10-15 million) goes to security in the form of bribes in NK, but this money is spent as seed money and expands the market activities as well as further boosting the market economies which further speed social change. |
Since 2012 when Kim ChongUn, NK leader, took over, the border crackdowns have vastly increased. But realistically, the NK government is only slowing down the influx of black-market goods and increasing defectors.
It seems the international community has given up on there being change in NK; however, that is failing to recognize that while the political front seems inflexible and summarily denies political or economic change, the NK people themselves are where the society is dynamic. Change is occurring from the bottom-up and is happening on such a huge scope that continuous change in only inevitable and sustainable.
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Sokeel Park is the Director of Research and Strategy for Liberty in North Korea (LiNK). Based in Seoul, he regularly interview North Korean defectors and meets with practitioners working on the issue. He leads the development of LiNK's long-term strategies, pursuing opportunities to empower the North Korean people. Sokeel also engages with the international media to reframe North Korea by introducing more focus on the North Korean people and society, and has been cited by the Economist, Financial Times, BBC, Washington Post, CNN, Al Jazeera, KBS, El Mundo and the Guardian. Before joint LiNK he worked at the United Nations, a diplomatic consultancy, and the South Korean government.
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