Showing posts with label Fulbright. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fulbright. Show all posts

Friday, April 22, 2016

On the Road: Two Migrant Workers in South Korea

On The Road
A Film by Changhee Chun
Fulbright Senior Researcher, Ithaca College

Fulbright Forums Presents: "During the last decade, one of the greatest social changes in South Korea has been the development of a multicultural society with increasing numbers of migrant workers. However, the population of unskilled laborers from South Asia is very much an invisible minority in Korea. The only time this population is mentioned is when a crime is committed by someone in this community, or to say that areas where large numbers of South Asians live are dangerous and should be avoided. Little is known about the “Korean Dream” of better opportunities that these people pursue after leaving their motherland. On the Road follows Moazzem and Maruf, two migrant workers from Bangladesh, who did not have any other alternative than to leave their country in search of better opportunities in Korea. Moazzem and Maruf labor as small factory migrant workers in rural Korea, sacrificing their lives in Bangladesh in hope of helping their families and themselves survive.

On the Road profiles these two as they journey in a foreign-land in quest of their individual “Korean Dream.” The film chronicles their personal journeys of difficulties and witnesses some of the sacrifices they have to make in their daily lives as migrants, such as working and living in undesirable conditions, struggle with language barriers, and separation from their families. The unskilled laborers migrant community in Korea is doing their best to find happiness and success in a society different from their own, away from home, filled with the ups and downs of life. While hope of acceptance, harmony, and co-prosperity persists for Moazzem and Maruf in Korea, one cannot deny that for now their paths toward their dreams are not without turbulence.

The film serves as an ethnographic observation of the daily lives of migrant laborers in Korea—allowing the audience to not only relate to the struggles towards success migrants endure, but also reflect on their own pursuit of success. No different from the audience, migrant laborers too are just ordinary people, traveling down the road toward their dreams. Whether one is a migrant laborer or not, our lives are journeys on an unpaved road filled with obstacles and challenges that we must overcome to reach a destination of success. On the Road gives the audience a view into an alternative road that may not be all too different from their own."
Research:
  • Migrant Workers Center in Korea (Pastor Hae-sung Kim)
  • Korea Support Center for Foreign Workers
  • National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRCK)
  • Hanyang University
  • Sungkyul University

"On the Road" follows the same theme of migrant workers in South Korea as his previous documentary "Lost Baggage" (2009).  "Lost Baggage" deals with the lives and struggles of migrant workers in South Korea, their efforts to create change and the complex legal situations many have faced since the early 1990s, when South Korea saw the first influx of migrant workers to the country. 

Friday, March 11, 2016

An Ethnographic Look at "People With Disabiities" in Korean Society

Symone Gosby, recent graduate of Smith College and an East Asian studies major, presents her research on the disabilities right movement and the self-determination of people with disabilities (PWD). As a student with disabilities herself (she doesn't say which), Symone is interested in the transformation of disabilities with Korean society. After completing her 2015-2015 Fulbright research grant, she plans to study Human Rights and Humanitarian Policy.

Following is the write-up of her current in-progress research:
Nothing About Us, Without Us: An Ethnographical Study on the Effect of Self-Determination in the Lives of People with Disabilities  
"Ever heard of the Korean Disability Rights Movement? Not many have. Yet, since the 1980s the movement has made a significant impact on the way people with disabilities (PWD) are treated and viewed within Korea society. The movement has resulted in laws such as the Welfare of Persons with Disabilities Act (1989), Disability Employment Promotion and Vocational Rehabilitation Act (1999), Anti-Discrimination Act (2007), and more.  
Before the 1980s, PWD were invisible members of society and the topic of disabilities was considered taboo. Although over the decades the situation of PWD has improved and disabilities has become a more openly talked about and studied subject, PWD continue to be a marginalized group in Korean society. This is in part due to the negative attitudes and misconceptions held by people without disabilities. In a society where education and economic contribution is a measurement of one’s societal participation, PWD are wrongly seen as pitiful beings who are unable to fully contribute to society. This idea needs to be changed. Corrected misconceptions are key for further social inclusion.  
My research focuses on self-determination as a method to social integration. This method allows PWD to be at the forefront of correcting societal misconceptions. Research has shown that PWD equipped with the skill of self-determination challenge the perceptions of others who view them as incapable of making decisions about their own lives and also have a better quality of life. Although educators understand the importance of teaching self-determination, the Korean educational system leaves little room for actual implementation. Although western scholars say self-determination should be taught as early as pre-school, this is not completely possible for Korea. This does not mean students with disabilities (SWD) are void of such skill, however.  
  • Through 1-on-1 interviews with SWD from multiple universities in Seoul, I investigate what factors have influenced them to exercise self-determination and how this skill has affected their lives."
Disability Rights Movement: A History

Several events and the passing of international laws resulted in a slow change in discourse for PWD in South Korea—that is, the change of focus from individual fault to that of social responsibility, and thus enabling the passing of Korea's first welfare law, the Welfare Law for Mentally Disabled and Handicapped.
  • UN Principles of Anti-discrimination
  • 1948 - Universal Declaration of Human Rights
  • 1975 - UN Declaration of the Rights of Disabled Persons
  • 1981 - International Year of Disabled People
  • 1987 - Protests against Seoul hosting the 1988 Paralympic Games, which cloaked human rights violations of disabled people
  • Welfare law amended (enhancing PWD social status, equalling employment legislation, inducing affirmative action for education)
  • Committee for Health and Welfare for the Disabled created
    • Gaining of mainstream societal attention and therefore challenging of stereotypes
  • OECD member eligibility, and therefore more welfare reforms
  • 1994 - Special university admission for students with disabilities (SWD), which increased the number of SWD pursuing higher education
    • First universities to implement special admission process
      • Yonsei University
      • Ewha Womans University
      • Sogang University
      • Daegu University
      • Presbyterian College and Theological Seminary
    • 100 colleges (5% nationwide) implement special admission process
  • Right to medical treatment, economic and social security, education, mobility, etc, namely the recognition of Fundamental Human Rights
  • Right to mobility:
    • Elevators at every subway station, wheelchair accessible buses, amenities for comfortable and safe usage of public transportation
    • May 2002 - Subway Lift Incident (many accidents with the subway lifts but a PWD finally died in such an accident), which resulted in a hunger strike and City Hall demonstration 
from the blog of a sports enthusiast who became a paraplegic January 1999
source
차별에 가로막힌 장애인들의 고향 방문 ‘꿈’

Existing Legislature:
  • 1989 - Welfare for Persons with Disabilities Act
  • 1990 - Act Relating to Employment, Promotion, etc of the Handicapped
  • 1994 - Special Education Promotion Law
  • 1997 - Act of Facilities Improvement for Persons with Disabilities
  • 2005 - Reasonable Accommodations of Public Transportation for the Weak Act
  • 2007 - Act of Employment Promotion and Vocational Rehabilitation for Disabled Persons
  • 2007 - Anti-Discrimination Against and Remedies for Persons with Disabilities Act
  • 2011 - Children with Disabilities Welfare Act
Current Situation:

Disabled Population: 2,646,064 (5.45 total population)
  • 15 disability types
  • physical
  • brain lesions
  • blindness
  • deafness
  • speech impediment
  • intellectual/developmental
  • autism
  • mental
  • kidney disorder
  • heart disorder
  • respiratory disorder
  • liver disorder
  • facial disorder
  • intestinal disorder
  • epilepsy
  • NOTE: learning disabilities not included
One of the biggest ways people with disabilities have been discriminated against is in education, and as a result, their achievable socioeconomic status.




A 7-minute podcast on Disabled South Koreans Most Common Victims of Discrimination discloses that more than half of all discrimination complaints filed in South Korea come from people with disabilities.

Symone Gosby is only partially done with her study, particularly focusing on SWD. Her hope is that ultimately her research, by listening to and documenting the voice of the oppressed, will further awareness of the hidden, and in some cases, obvious on-going elements of prejudice and discrimination.

Friday, April 10, 2015

Archeology Analysis of the Three Kingdom Period

Lauren Glover, PhD candidate in Archaeology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, gave a Fulbright presentation entitled "All That Glitters Is Not Gold: Bronze and Stone in the Three Kingdoms Period". The write-up for her presentation is as follows: 
"During the Three Kingdoms period (300-668AD), various regions in South Korea were divided into several kingdoms, each with its own unique decorative style, but while divided, they were united by the heavy trade they transacted with each other, China, and Japan. This time period is extremely important because within it classical aspects of Korean culture were established that influenced later social, political and ideological developments, such as the use of bronze for rituals. Bronze and stone ornaments, especially in the form of jade, were important items to the elites of these kingdoms and were used for both displays of wealth and legitimacy, and for the ideological rituals required to maintain control in both the physical and spiritual world. Elites continued to use bronze and stone even when more economical, practical and prestigious options were available such as gold, iron and glass. This suggests that the materials themselves had significance to Three Kingdoms period people which could not be fully divorced from mundane issues. I am especially interested in tracing the manufacture and use of gokuk 곡옥 (curved beads) during this period since they were used specifically by elites in unique displays of wealth, power and ideology. 
"My research objective is to use a combination of new and traditional analysis to learn the “biography” of an artifact from raw material to final deposition. I utilize an XRF (X-Ray fluorescence) scanner on both bronze and stone to determine a rough composition of the artifact. The compositions are used both in lead isotope analysis and in determining the origin of the stone artifacts. An extremely new method of lead isotope analysis called EDTA (Ethylenediaminetetraacetic Acid) solution analysis is also being utilized. All other methods of lead isotope analysis require harming the artifact so using this method has allowed me to analyze artifacts which would otherwise not be examined. The results of the lead isotope analysis will be compared to lead isotope ratios across East Asia to determine where the copper in the bronzes was coming from. I use silicon impression material to take impressions of the holes in the ornaments (usually beads). Those impressions will eventually be scanned with an SEM (scanning electron microscope) to determine what type of drill was used and if there is any wear on the inside of the hole. Until then, I use a digital microscope, a scanner, and my own measurements of the beads to look for patterns in manufacturing methods and style in the hopes of identifying specific groups of people or workshops that were dealing with creating these ornaments. I also hope to use the data from this project to replicate artifacts in the future in order to learn more about the manufacturing process."
Lauren Glover will be doing the first half of her research here in South Korea and the second half in Japan, both of which times she will be examining bronze and stone used ceremonial during the span of the Korean peninsula's Three Kingdoms period.

Research Objectives: Biography

  • To determine the "biography" of bronze and stone artifacts from raw material to final deposition
  • To use this biographical information to learn more about power, religion, and economy during the Three Kingdoms period 
  • Gosden and Marshall (1999) idea of biography: "As people and objects gather time, movement and change, they are constantly transformed, and these transformations of person and object are tied up with each other."

The National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage makes statements that the gilt bronze shoes were made in the Baekjae Kingdom. Such a finding offers a glimpse into the relations between Baekjae and the native forces of Mahan (1st C BC - 3rd C AD), an ancient kingdom that was later absorbed into the Baekjae Kingdom. - Source

I believe these are the gilt bronze shoes that were discovered still having human bone in them and which are housed in the Baekjae Museum. Finding bone is a rare find in the Korean Peninsula because Korean soil is very acidic so bone easily perishes, as acid destroys organic material and therefore there is little carbon in the soil
... which ultimately messes with carbon dating also.
Research Objectives: Understanding Trade and Trade Routes

  • To develop new, area specific models of regional and interregional trade and exchange
  • Uni-directional model: that goods and culture flowed from China, through the Korean peninsula (without being influenced by Korean culture) and on to the Japanese archipelago
  • My model: inter- and extra-regional with bi-directional exchange of goods, ideas, people and technology

What we know about trade:

  • People have been trading between the Russian Far East, northern China, the Korean peninsula, and the Japanese archipelago for the past 25,000 years
  • Yellow Sea Interaction Sphere 500BC - 500AD (Barnes 1999): goods, ideology, technology
  • Tomb styles and pottery are well studied during this period
  • Historical texts list a number of items and services being traded, only some of which can be verified archaeologically

Already a lot is known about trade so Lauren Glover will be looking specifically at bronze and stone which hasn't been highly researched.

Power and wealth:

  • Wealth communicates status, legitimacy, ideology and power (Baines and Yoffee 2000, Kenoyer 2000)
  • Value in archaeology:
    • "situationally mediated" (Appadurai 1886, Kenoyer 2000)
    • rare materials more valuable
    • the more labor invested in an object, the more valuable it is
    • objects gain value the more technological processes or knowledge is needed to create them
    • valuable symbols of wealth will be controlled by elites

The Three Kingdoms Period:

Actually the Three Kingdoms period should really be considered as the Four Kingdoms period as Goguryo (37BC - 668AD) was usually at war with the three southern kingdoms, which definitely had some or even a lot of influence on the culture and trade of the southern kingdoms.
Mumun Period: 1500BC - 300BC
Proto 3 Kingdoms Period: 300BC - 300AD
3 Kingdoms Period: 300AD - 668AD
Unified Silla: 668AD - 935AD
Map of the Three Kingdoms of Korea, at the end of the 5th century - Wikipedia

During the Three Kingdom period, gokuk (curved beads) were in great use. The Shinto religion in Japan was probably derived during this time, and jade became popularized.

But why bronze?


Although the common copper alloys are often all called "bronze", in fact, the different combinations of copper + alloy produce different metals (refer to picture on left).

Copper + zinc making brass wasn't in use in the Three Kingdoms period because zinc was harder to isolate and this isolation process didn't happen until much later.

However, iron was used in the period. Iron was easier to work with, cheaper and more durable than other options. Tin was still expensive and only used by the elite classes, but it could be exported from China. When worked with copper, the two metals created bronze which is very bright and like gold when it is new. If a lot of tin was used, the better the reflection in the finished product. Also, if a lot of tin was used, the resonance of the bronze would be better, for example, bronze bells with more tin had more resonance and tone.

The military also used bronze for their armor or equestrian equipment, e.g. stirrups, but if used, this type of bronze was gilt bronze. Military headgear, spears, halberds, daggers, buckles, etc were also items popular for the elite soldiers.

Testing Methods

Lauren uses the X-ray florescence (XRF) measure for ascertaining the metal of the object. There are hand-held and larger, heavier types but the method is the same. Shoot the beam which penetrates a few centimeter and throws waves back. The point is to get a lead reading for a lead isotope analysis. With this analysis, it is possible to know where the lead is derived from -- which quarry or mine, whether within Korea or China or wherever. Often this is not a useful method for isolating location of lead origin; however, in Asia (China, Korea, Japan) the lead isotopes are very different, hence this method is very revealing as to trade relations and political and social interactions of the period.

Another method, Lead Isotope Provenancing or is it EDTA (Ethylenediaminetetraacetic Acid, is to soak the artifact in a solution from 20-60 minutes and traces will break off into the solution, which is then sent off for analysis. This is a very non-invasive method as opposed to using a laser which leaves a tiny pit or even the more damaging method of shaving a small bit off (damaging) and analyzing the shavings. Lauren proposed taking many samples using this non-invasive method, but gaining access to ancient artifacts takes time. As of now, she has run five tests, and four of them appear to fall within the Korean lead isotope areas.

Gokuk 곡옥 (curved beads)

Gokuk are made from every material possible (clay, stone, amber, jade ...) and are found on head pieces, earrings, around people's necks in both Korea and Japan. Although from these instances they would seem to be ornamental for people's bodies, their uses are thought to be much more extensive. The trouble with defining their uses, however, is that most typically they are found disconnected from their associated object of use in tombs, in houses and campsites, so archeology can only make assumptions as their uses which extends beyond the elite classes. The five, arguably six, royal crowns discovered in tombs of the Three Kingdom period all had gokuk made of various colors of jade on them.

Crown, Korea, Silla Kingdom, second half of 5th century. Excavated from the north mound of Hwangnam Daechong Tomb. Gold and jade; H.10 3/4 in. (27.3 cm). Gyeongju National Museum, Korea, National Treasure 191
According to Lauren, during the Three Kingdoms Period there were no gokuk bead workshops on the Korean peninsula (although some/many had existed prior to the period but stopped producing for some reason). Many gokuk workshops were in operation in the Japanese archipelago at this time. The ritual beads found on royal crowns were of jade, but jade needs to be qualified as there are the "jade" beads made of jadeite and those made of nephrite. Both types though are very hard need a lot of work in their production.

Jadeite - very rare, expensive, only found in 10 places around the world (Japan, Russia, western Alps, California, Myanmar, Guatemala, Central Asia ...) 
Nephrite - not as rare or expensive, has a lot of variety, found around the world (Canada is the largest source)
Studying the beads is to study ritual symbolism and therefore to better understand religion, history and ethnography in order to form working hypothesis. Using Specific Gravity and XRF, Lauren analyzes the type of jade or nephrite and can ascertain in a large degree from where the stone originated from, and therefore make guesses on trade routes. 


Also studying bead production for its ceremonial or practical purposes, she analyzes the drill hole and threads the drill made. Drill holes tell stories of their own. By taking pictures with a particularly high-powered camera and which are then studied on the computer, she can ascertain the type of drill used to make the gukuk bores. She also studies the angles of the bores, whether the bores were made from one side or both and, if from both, how evenly or unevenly the drill patterns meet. The Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) also comes in handy for understanding the sample's surface topography and composition.
  • metal drills make smooth bore holes
  • stone drills make uneven bores; some are tapered, others are cylindrical
  • copper drills make striations

Bio:
Lauren is a PhD candidate in archaeology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She has a MA in Archaeology from the University of Edinburgh in Scotland, a MA in Japanese Studies from the University of Leeds in Britain, and a MA in Anthropology (Archaeology) from UW-Madison. Lauren studies the trade, exchange and manufacture of bronze and stone ornaments in the Korean peninsula and the Japanese archipelago from 250-668AD. She is also interested in mortuary rituals, ideology and religion, experimental archaeology, gender, and nationalism. Feel free to visit her website: www.laurenglover.com. 

Friday, December 19, 2014

Flipped Learning: New in Korea

Quan Quan Nguyen, a Fulbright researcher holding a B.A. in Political Science, presented on the flipped classroom. Usually an open forum has a write-up on what the presentation will entail. Quan's only information alluding to his presentation was the instruction for the prospective audience members, in order to have optimal audience experience, to download the "PollEV" app and register for live polling. Non-iphone users could use the link www.pollev.com/fulbright. No other info was given. 

To kick-off his presentation, Quan did some warm-ups for active audience participation, the goal of the flipped classroom. However, at this point he wasn't "teaching" yet on the flipped classroom, he was just ensuring that all members of the audience were focused, THE ABSOLUTE GOAL in fact of flipping. He started out with a teaching scenario of frustration and a teacher's response. The audience was not to say anything but using the polling app in their smartphones, respond briefly to the scenario. Some responses but not a lot ... until the audience members realized their comments were posted on the screen. Oh! The audience then went crazy with responses! Quan rewarded what he felt were the best ... or most creative ... or whatever responses with choco pies (subjective rewarding but the audience was laughing, and also the audience was primarily foreign so most didn't really care to eat the choco pies, but getting a prize has always been a way to externally motivate people). Stimulating the audience is crucial in have an effective classroom learning experience, and Quan was off and running with his presentation!


After three or four polling questions, he had the audience warmed up to audience interaction with the lecturer/teacher. Basically he was reinventing the traditional classroom dynamics of being very teacher-centered to being teacher-student interactive. But the flipped classroom goes even further. It puts the reins of learning directly into the students hands, and ultimately the flipped classroom is more using the teacher as a resource than as an all-knowing fount of knowledge, a learning style that flips Blooms taxonomy triangle entirely over and puts more emphasis on evaluation and creativity and exploring than it does on just receiving knowledge.

Bloom's taxonomy flipped!

The flipped classroom is a relatively new style of education and learning. Jon Bergmann and Aaron Sams, two high school chemistry teachers in Colorado pioneered the "flipped classroom" learning model in 2007. In 2012 they published their book on the model Flip Your Classroom. And since its humble beginnings in Colorado, the flipped classroom has become a world-wide movement, most evident in Finland, Japan, Iceland and Taiwan.

The two teachers wanted to reach the athletes in their classrooms. The athletes didn't care about studying; they made lousy grades and were focused on the outcome of the brawn rather the input into their brains. The teachers, therefore, were looking for solutions to motivate those academically challenged students, so they began filming and posting information on YouTube for the students to study outside of the class since the students were interested in the computer but not interested in the classroom. With this method the students were able to study the content and come to class for the teacher to help them apply it via homework and other classroom structured activities. These were the infant days of the flip classroom.

Some of the benefits of the flip classroom are:

  • more teacher-student interactions, especially with the weakest students
  • more peer-peer interactions
  • deeper, more individualized learning
  • integrating today's technology to educate today's tech-savvy youth

So how does Korea fit the model of a flipped classroom?




Based on student performances on nation-wide exams, Korea is doing well academically, and within the OECD South Korea ranks fifth in educational outcomes. So what benefit could South Korea expect from using such an educational model? First and foremost, South Korea does extremely well in rote memorization and testing. They have access to a lot of facts and the students are academic vessels to be filled by the teachers. However, if looking at Bloom's taxonomy and the higher skills of evaluation, analysis and creativity, these aspects of performance are little incorporated into the educational learning model. And therefore, students don't have a portfolio of application skills when they move from the classroom to the workplace. Not to mention the fact that not everyone is a vessel that has such high information retention and parroting skills, and so suicide rates from not performing well in rote learning and testing is the outcome. With these many points in mind, there is certainly a place for the flip classroom in South Korea!

Case study in Korea: Bono Middle School in Ansa


Quan has been working very intimately with the Bono Middle School in Ansa with various classes, teaching in one of 20 schools that is currently being used to evaluate the flipped classroom. One of the reasons that Bono was chosen as a school is that it is a low-income school that traditionally hasn't had high expectations from its students. However, the flip model has demonstrated that students who were previous not challenged have done a complete turn-around and started suddenly to excel; in fact, whole classrooms have suddenly been able to flip their testing outcomes!

Also, in order to more accurately assess the flipped classroom in the 20 schools, eight different teachers from widely different subjects (art, math, science and English) are in the school trials. The trial semester is only from August 2014 to Feb 2015, and only some homerooms in the 1st and 3rd year students are included. Because this method is radically different from traditional methods and because students need to study at home and therefore the parents are required to encourage and stimulate the study-at-home time, parents were informed of the semester case study and required to give their written permission for their children to participate in the trials. Almost all parents agreed and gave permission; for those parents who didn't for whatever reason, their children were transferred to other homerooms that followed the traditional learning methods.

So how does the flip classroom work?


The students need access to wi-fi (or a router). They need Internet access, screen casting software ("Explain Everything" app is super popular), YouTube, tablet, iPad, PC, smartphone. These tools just augment the classroom text and other relevant course materials. The curriculum is not compromised, just the mode of learning is altered.

So what actually happens in a flipped classroom?


Many outcomes happen. Quan showed a clip of a teacher on her first day of using the flip being completely angry. She had years and years of experience as a teacher and no longer came in on a weekend to prepare, but because of doing the flipped classroom she had to do a lot of recording and video preparation so she sacrificed her Sunday. However, when the students came to the first class and only 5-6 students of 30-40 students had watched the video she had spent many hours on Sunday preparing, she was incensed. She felt she had wasted her Sunday and now the students were wasting her class time. Her anger was controlled but the middle school students absolutely knew she was angry. She sent all the unprepared students to the back of the room to watch the video clip on their smartphones. This was big shame for students not to meet a teacher's expectations and righteous indignation. She said she didn't have that problem again. They prepared afterwards!

Another scenario was an art teacher who was absolutely clueless how to get the students to do prep outside of class; he had poor classroom management and would give a piece of candy to students for promising to do better the next day ... which didn't happen. So basically he spent his class time giving out candy and never getting any rewards. The students had no proper motivation and the teacher felt extreme frustration at even knowing how to incorporate the flipped classroom.

Yet another scenario was in a math classroom setting. Students were sitting in islands of 4-6 students and doing team work (a big element of flipping a class), or at least they were supposed to do team work. In a one hour session, students had to perform certain math equations and once they had worked them out as a team, they were to raise their hands and get feedback from the teacher. In the flipped classroom, the teacher is always "on", always moving around answering questions, making sure students are on topic, and motivating the slow learners while keeping the fast learners engaged and stimulated. It takes a lot of prep to set up such a learning environment and constant attentiveness to expedite the learning in the classroom. In the math teacher's class, she had five teams and every time they completed a set problem as a team, they were given a circle on the board and then could move on to the next problem. Two teams, one secretly nicknamed "the princesses" by Quan (because as soon as the teacher passed they were looking at themselves in the mirror or primping in some way), never completed any problems even by the end of the class. I'm really wondering how the teacher dealt with these two teams and if she was ever able to get them motivated.

Main take-aways about the flipped classroom:

  • Flipping is about making the most of classroom time. More focus on student learning, less on formal teaching.
  • Technology doesn't drive pedagogy; good teaching is still essential.
  • The first "flip" in flipping is your mindset.
  • This is a global movement that has been proven to stimulate, even spike, classroom learning.

Limitations and challenges to flipping:

  • Need data collection; flipping currently lacks quantitative information (i.e. exam grades)
  • 3rd year students at Bono Middle School are graduating in February, which create conflicts with longitudinal studies
  • Questions raised: Does "flipping" work for all teachers? All students? What are the best practices? Standardized training needed?
  • Still lack of rigorous research on the efficacy of flipped classrooms

Saturday, April 26, 2014

Performers in Modern Day Society

Adam Glassman, a recent graduate of Grinnell College where he studied Theatre and Dance, gave an impressive presentation on "Traditions through Change: The Role of Performance in Modern Society". His focus in theater is as a director, and his work mainly deals with ending the audience-performs relationship barrier and further studying the consciousness shifting for creating new rituals to reflect life in modern society. He has spent time traveling and learning shamanic and modern performance techniques in countries like India, Tibet and Japan, among others. With his research efforts in South Korea, he hopes to fuse lessons learned from different training methods and lifestyles to create a new type of modern performer.

Abstract of his presentation:

"South Korea stands as a country where digital billboards and cutting edge technology exist side by side with an emerging break dancing movement, a massive market for Broadway productions as well as ancient shamanic rituals. Whereas many nations stamp out such parts of society in an attempt to become 'modern', South Korea has taken a unique path where performance and face-to-face interaction remains an everyday part of society. In my project I work, train and, at times, live with these dancers, performers and shaman (called mudang) to learn what the role of the performer is in South Korean society and why performance has remained so integral to Korean life. I will recount my experiences of staying and living with mudang, training with K-pop choreographers, and share interviews with arts administrators from different parts of Seoul. By taking a broad and immersive approach to the project, I can draw similarities and recurring themes that define the way performance and live action define South Korean life. In turn, I hope to take these lessons and training methods back to the United States to create a new method of training and a new style of performance. Basing many of my new ideas off of the shamanic gut (Korean mudang rituals often translated loosely as exorcism), I hope to discover how live performance does more for us than entertain, and further hope to define the true role and need for the performer in modern society."

Why Korea?

Korea has a very unique history of theater, particularly in regard to three aspects: stage, actors and audience. Traditionally performances were held on unusual stages, or rather arenas or in streets, in houses, yards or at seasides. The stages were not elevated to be above the audience but to be on the same plane with the audience because the performers, who also functioned as actors, interacted with the audience and the audience was expected to talk, dance, even shout in ardent interactions with the performer-actors. The separation of the audience and performers by a barrier didn't in fact take place in Korea until the Japanese colonial period when the Japanese sought to use the performers to relate propaganda to the audience while curbing the spontaneity and interaction between the traveling performer-actors, who could also be delivering information to the audience.

Another reason Adam Glassman desired to do research in Korea is to take a closer look at the unique style of shamanism practiced in South Korea. There are many shamans in the country, and they are not in many regards respected but then they are not ostracized or vilified either. While scientific studies have greatly reduced the amount of beliefs in spiritualism and superstitions in Korea, businessmen still seek out mudang for good luck ceremonies in their private businesses, mothers still buy Buddhist talismans wishing luck for their children to pass exams, and housewives still pay for over-the-mantel "prayer" papers ensuring health in new homes and hanging bamboo on the northern walls to fend off evil which is believed to come from that direction. In fact, more than 40,000 shamans are registered in Korea although it is believed that the number is much higher for many shaman have not registered for whatever reason.

Curiously, the mudang are categorized as cultural treasures. Although many people believe the mudang inhibit the firm step into modernism, the government has declared them as national heritages, and especially so since many government officials go to them for beneficial ceremonies themselves.

Source
Unlike other dance performances in other countries, in the Korean traditional ceremonies and shamanic performance conducted by the mudang, the audience is always present. The performance of the mudang is to empty one's self from their body and become a vessel for a "ghost". They dance around and do odd actions. A drummer drums for hours before a possession and ritualistic clothing and symbols are worn or waved around to entice and invite the spirits. The concept of "mu" is the idea of a collective Korean subconsciousness and has heavy connotations. The idea of facilitate or "punryuu" is apparent, and the drumming and dancing facilitate the invisible connection that happens when people meet, and this is the main goal and interaction of the mudang, to let the individual and the spirit world meet. For this reason, business owners are the main patrons of mudang as the businessmen need their businesses purified of evil presence, and the mudang dancing and interacting with the spirit world accompanied by the incessant drumming clear the evil spirits and are thought to revitalize the business. During the gut, something amazing happens which proves the presence of the spirits and during the dancing that channels the sprites, a lot of improvision happens under "possession".

Other kinds of performances

Talchu or Korean mask dance. Again, this is a communal performance, and audience and the performers have moments when they dance together. The dancing is spontaneous and non-choreographed, and as everyone dances together, it's like sharing one large group hug. Everyone feels kind of healed at the end of the performance and even the gods are happy.


Nanta is a South Korean comedy cooking show that employs samulnori or farmer dance rhythms. The mostly non-verbal performance has been taken to 18 countries and even enjoyed a year (2004-2005) in an off Broadway show. It still runs in Korea, and three theaters on mainland South Korea and one theater in Jeju hold the performance even today. Most Koreans, mainly because of its international popularity which has increased its domestic popularity, know of or have seen this performance. Even though its stage is non-traditional and the actors perform on an elevated stage, the audience is still expected to interact in not only words, even those lustily shouted, but some members of the audience are dragged onto the stage to be an actual part of the performance. Nanta is a modern-day show that creates communal excitement and interaction, and so this unusual South Korean performance is an eclectic blend of a modern stage but with the Korean concept of highly charged actors who perform as well as interact with the audience.


The street dance movement is taking off in South Korea. Unlike North and South America and other countries that have a history of street dancing, Korea cannot boast of such a history. However, Koreans are embracing the movement and are very good in their performances. Similar to Korean traditional street performances, street dancing and break dancing are performed with a lot of communal interactions. The audience is not sitting but standing and gathering around, watching, cheering, and even members of the audience challenging the performers and showing their own alternative moves.



Case Study: Living with a Mudang

Adam for a time lived with a mudang. Most mudang are women, especially in the more traditional society; however, in these modern times, more men have entered the "profession" and for several months Adam lived with and studied under Gum-gang, a male shaman who didn't only practice shamanic rituals but also prescribed and brewed traditional medicines and practiced traditional healing rituals.

Some traditional medicines Adam learned about were that homemade remedies with persimmon help alleviate diarrhea, plum juice clears cold and kills soar throat, while sujunggwa (a cinnamon blended drink) helps with blood flow, circulation and clears the sinuses. He learned about hyol cheol'li or the death points in the body (a total of 24). By massaging them ki or energy can be released, but hitting them really hard could cause unconsciousness or even death.

Two examples Adam shared concerned himself and his regard of the legitimacy of the mudang as a viable practitioner of medicine concerned accupressure that the shaman performed on Adam. The mudang was demonstrating deep-massage techniques to Adam on various parts of the body and hit on a tiny spot that hurt Adam severely between his toes. The shaman informed Adam that the spot revealed that Adam had been drinking a lot the previous day, which was true. Another more meaningful revelation using accupressure was on another day when the shaman hit a spot the size of a tiny pin head that was extremely painful to Adam. Again the shaman had an explanation; he said that Adam had been overweight as a child, again it was true but this time Adam was very amazed because the shaman could not have known in any way that Adam had fought obesity as a child and teenager.

What Adam learned from his time with the mudang is that shamans are friends, guides, mentors, counselors and care-givers. They have many roles, but the majority of them employ a familiar interaction with the people they seek to heal, be it through a gut ceremony, medicines or therapy healings or in any other interaction. This time taught him that shamans ... as well as the performers in Nanta, street dances, etc in Korea ... reach out to people and "help" them, improve their conditions, and by giving something of themselves to people they are creating a better and more cohesive community because they invoke a kind of metaphysical healing to society.

A quote from Oh Tae'Sok, one of Korea's most popular theatrical writers:

"Our theatrical traditions never had any fixed forms, as do Japan's noh and kabuki theaters. In Japan the performer enters the structure of a form at an early age and then moves on to develop his own artistry in it. Well, then, why don't we have such forms? Wouldn't it have been nice if we had a similarly formalized tradition? But listen to Korean music and its changdan (rhythmic patterns). It never keeps the same beat. Our tradition has always avoided set forms. It has descended to us not in a fixed-sate, but in an ever-flowing fashion. Our tradition has grown spontaneously. It constantly changes, reflecting current situations because it is innately fluid." Oh Tae'Sok

Friday, April 25, 2014

Blood, Looks, Language: Moderating Ethnicity

The Fulbright presentation on “Blood,” Looks, Language: The Moderating Effects of Race and Ethnicity on Identity was given by Dorry Guerra, a recent graduate of University of Pennsylvania where she majored in Visual Studies. As a Fulbright researcher in Seoul, South Korea, she is conducting research through the Social and Cultural Psychology Lab at Yonsei University. Her PhD interests are perceptions and conceptualizations of race and racial categories; their psychological implications; and multiculturalism, particularly in the context of a demographically changing Korea.

Image source: Sey, Adwoa Nana, Breaking Bad "FeLiNa" Poster, 2013 (adapted). Original artwork
Abstract:

Through a series of social psychology experiments, this project attempts to ascertain the ways in
which “native” Koreans (those who are both racially and ethnically Korean) perceive the identity of multiracial and multicultural Koreans. Under the umbrella of “identity,” “race” and “ethnicity” are the variables studied; more specifically, the interaction between “blood” (one’s heritage or ancestry), phenotype (how one looks)—considered in this context as “racial” features—and language— considered in this context as an “ethic” feature—is examined. The purpose of the studies is to understand which of these three variables is privileged when determining the identity of “ambiguous” others, and to understand which “others” are considered most “Korean.”

This project has a cross-cultural component in that a parallel study is to be run in the United States, in order to understand notions of “American-ness” as compared to those of “Korean-ness.” Following previous work (Steffans & Mummendey, 2010) that shows that Europeans rely more on accent information (than on appearance information) when determining what country a person is from, the hypothesis is that American participants will similarly rely more on “language” information (than on “looks” or “blood” information) when determining who is most “American.” On the other hand, the prediction is that Korean participants will rely more on “blood” information (than on “looks” or “language” information) when determining who is most “Korean.”

This research has implications for the psychological and social well-being and acceptance of not only those who are traditionally considered “other” in Korea, but of all Koreans.

Some points of particular interest in the presentation are:

  • In 2010, one in three babies born in South Korea were born into multiracial families, that is, one of the parents is Korean and the other is a non-Korean, most typically from China and SE Asia.
  • In 2050, 20% of the population in South Korea will be multicultural.
  • South Korea is the world's leader in international marriages!

Hypothesis: "blood," looks and language

This focus on blood is grounded on the notion of the 1920s that "blood" is most important. This notion was used to promote solidarity in a time of colonialism ... but this was also a time when Korea was very homogeneous so concepts of blood were very relevant. However, with such a large number of multicultural families being created, the resulting concept of homogeneity of "being Korean" is being challenged, especially as the use or non-use of Korean has become a factor along with non-stereotypical looks of mixed heritage Koreans. 

Earlier studies related to Dorry Guerra's research were conducted by Lee Jae Kab in the early 1990s. Lee Jae Kab did studies on Amerasians; his studies were on the children who were given their Asian blood connections via their mothers.  

Two key phrases that Dorry is exploring are sociability desirability bias (internal and external factors that determine a person's level of acceptance or non-acceptance in a group) and racial essentialism (a sociological factor that results in racial stereotyping and discrimination).

The concepts of "blood" were wooly in the presentation, but then they are wooly in society as everyone seems to have an opinion on what blood is but then in practical terms of interaction, those opinions might not be realized in actual practice ... and this seemed to the case in the presentation too.

Friday, March 14, 2014

Renegotiating "Homeland" for Korean Adoptees

Andrea Kim Cavicchi, a PhD candidate in Modern Korean History at the UCLA gave this presentation on "Rediscovering 'Homeland' and Negotiating Belonging for Overseas Korean Adoptees in Korea." Her research in diasporas, transnationalism, globalization, multiculturalism, nationalism, race, ethnicity and identity brings her to Korea to explore the return migration of many of the Korean babies and children who were sent abroad for adoption and return as English teachers, researchers, students, and visitors in search of a glimpse of their ethnic heritage that they were severed from at a very young age. I believe she said in her presentation that she is not one of the adoptees, although she is of Korean heritage raised in the United States.


Her research project explores the lives of Korean adoptees who were born in Korea, adopted overseas to Western nations as infants or young children through the practice of overseas Korean adoption, and who return to Korea for a brief visit or for a span of living as adults. It is estimate that approximately 200,000 children have been adopted from South Korea to Western nations since the 1950s. Since the late 1990s and early 2000s, roughly 2,500 of these not adult adoptees return to their birth country every year to search for birth families, teach English, study Korean, attend conferences that aim to cultivate an international community for Korean adoptees. She is investigating how these adult Korean adoptees negotiate the question of belonging in relation to institutional and social structures, and conversely, the different ways that the Korean state deals with these adult Korean adoptees.

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click to enlarge
Her project is shedding light on the issues that adult Korean adoptees confront as they maneuver the shifting discourse of Koreanness in Korea. One aim of her project is to investigate ways in which overseas Korean adoptee subjectivities have been constituted through shifting fields of power and managed through historically particular, geopolitical, social, and economic discourses, all linked to the Korean state. Another aim is to investigate the creative ways that adult adoptees construct and imagine their own identities, empower themselves, and subvert the very institutions and sources of power that constitute their subjectivities as Korean adoptees.

Her main questions to be addressed are:
  1. What compels these Korean adoptees to return to Korea as adults, and why do many of these adoptees search for their birth families?
  2. Why have a number of "lucky" Korean children, who were adopted by parents living in affluent Western nations, returned to Korea as adults and formed an activist adoptee community that advocates immediate adoption reform and for the rights of unwed mothers? [Unwed mothers needs to be defined: unwed mothers are distinguished between single mothers who could have been married but when they gave birth were divorced, separated, widowed or other. Unwed mothers were not married prior to giving birth.]
  3. Why does a nation that boasts one of the most powerful market economies in the world and expresses so much shame over sending its children overseas through media publications and government policies continue its overseas adoption practices in 2014?
Some informative snippets shared on the initial motivation for international adoption and more recently the return of those adoptees are:

Korean adoption didn't start until the late 1950s. The Korean War (1950-1953) left a shattered and desolate country with documentation of over a million displaced people in 1954. The country was in poverty, children were being born of mixed parentage from the large numbers of foreign soldiers present and who interacting with Korean women, and the first children internationally adopted were those mixed blooded children, the unwanted children in a country that was intolerant of racial mixings of blood. However, the poverty of the nation soon provoked impoverished families who couldn't raise their children to give up their young ones. Later, and especially in the 1980s during Korea's rapid industrialization, unwed women were giving birth to pure-blooded Korean children, but the shame in this was the connotations of sexual frivolity besmirching extended family honor. Those children could not be raised by single mothers with family support and therefore, new homes--mostly overseas--were found for those also unwanted children. In the mid-1980s more than 8,000 children were adopted overseas a year. This was abruptly curtailed for a brief time during the Seoul Olympics as the media picked up on the fact that South Korea was "marketing" their children abroad. North Korea was particularly censorious of the act, and the shame of the North Korean criticism did bring about a brief moratorium on international adoption and then a decline in the numbers adopted overseas.

Some historial kilometer markers in the history of population control in Korea ...
which of course affected adoption policies too.
In the 1990s these adoptees sent outside of Korea were starting to return to Korea, to learn about their ethnic heritage, to question why perhaps they were adopted. South Korea was ill-prepared to "welcome" the adoptees back and many citizens were downright rude to the Korean blooded young people who didn't know the Korean language ... as if that were their fault. In Korea, family means everything, and therefore, these family-less adoptees were to be scorned ... and they often were. In more recent years, however, attitudes have been changing and the Korean adoptees are now given tours by the government, some get study scholarships, and the Korean people have become more open-minded to adoptees returning to Korea. Much of the open-mindedness is a result of adoption being heavily featured in Korean dramas as well as movies. Obviously, for the topic to peek its head in so many types of media is to reveal a country that has a strange fascination with the topic.

"Homeland" is a perspective term. While it might mean the land of one's birth, it does not always feel like "home", and the term needs to be deconstructed and reconstructed. There is certainly an issue of belonging and yet not belonging with the returning adoptees. Many say it feels good to "belong" because "everyone looks like me", but on the deeper note, they don't really "belong" as their upbringing values have been shaped differently; their expectations of the other are different as well.

Many of the adoptees go in search of their biological families. This is a very hard process, and one that often involves a cluttered paper trail, and unwilling adoption agencies who are more protective of homeland citizens (the mothers who gave up the children) that the Korean children who were forcibly expatriated. Some adoptees have a deep desire to be reunited with their birth families, usually only locating the mother is possible; some have no desire. Some are curious, having no particular desire, but as they interact and form bonds with other adoptees who are searching or are of the few who have been reunited with family members, many of the mildly curious become interested in the search too.

Some of the organization within Korea now and which help returning adoptees are:

GOAL (Global Overseas Adoptees' Link) - more of a service based organization for helping returning adoptees adapt to Korea (language assistance, study scholarships ...) as well as help adoptees locate birth family members.

ASK (Adoptee Solidarity Korea) - their mission is to address associated problems with Korean overseas adoption. Through education and activism, they aim to raise awareness, activate change, and support alternatives to overseas Korean adoption.

TRACK (Truth and Reconciliation for the Adoption Community in Korea) - Their goal is to raise awareness, make change, and set the record straight on adoption practices that do not consider either truth and transparency or the rights of the child who is treated in a top-down fashion.

KoRoot (the house of Korean roots) - KoRoot is a guesthouse for Korean adoptees from all over the world and who return to visit their "mother" country. It is also a NGO finding solutions on overseas adoption matters.

INKAS (International Korean Adoptees Services) - INKAS is the only organization included in the big five organizations helping adoptees that is not run by adoptees or a combination of adoptees and native-born Koreans. Their activism stems from within the country of Korea itself and the change they strive for isn't led by returning adoptees but Korean-born Koreans.

While Korean adoption is a very hot and controversial issue in Korea with the government making laws that deny the rights of children thought "best" to hide in non-transparent adoption situations, the returning adoptees are speaking out on behalf of the future adopted children. The adoptees feel well within their rights as objects of the "sociopolitical exchange" to represent those undergoing more modern sociopolitics in finding "homes" for more "unwanted" children. And one of the hottest, most contested issues in the non-transparent adoption world in Korea is the practice since 2009 of the Baby Box. The Baby Box is basically a "safe" place where a mother can deposit her unwanted baby in a designated box, ring a bell and disappear knowing that she won't have to raise the baby but someone will take the baby in and give it a home. Adoptees who are blockaded from finding their birth parents because of Korean bureaucracy know that a paper trail to their mothers at least does exist but just can't be accessed. However, for the babies deposited in the Baby Box there is no trail and these babies who question who they really are at a later date will forever be frustrated by never knowing who their parents were ... not to mention the fact that a government which allows, in fact encourages, a mother to drop off her baby as she would a load of laundry is a government that needs to be censured and a practice that demands change.

Another point of harsh criticism is the Special Adoption Law (SAL). "Special" in English suggests something positive, something gratefully received or viewed, but there is nothing "special" about this hated new ruling. The Special Adoption Law is very new (sorry, don't know the initial year it was enacted) but it was underwent great revision in 2011 with amendments being enforced in Jan 2012. The law basically revised ruling on (1) Family Preservation, (2) Domestic Adoption, (3) Overseas Adoption, and (4) Institutional Care. ASK, TRACK, KoRoot, Gong-gam, KUMFA, and Mindullae represent the child in these new amendments and they are NOT happy with how the child is viewed as a commodity in the law and not treated as a citizen with equal rights. [Large argument, small space here, so I can't begin to give details.] They argue that the law is rife with contradictions, loop holes and possible arbitrary interpretation possibilities. As these groups stubble to access adoption records and reunite adoptee with birth families, the law does not facilitate nor support the adoptee and not even the unwed mothers and their children, which the law should be supporting so as not to create more adoptees in society. The law also supports the creation of a National Adoption Day which was established by the Ministry of Health and Welfare as May 11, starting in 2005.

Basically there is no conclusion to the problem as "orphan" children, who are not orphans but almost always have two living parents, are still being sent overseas or adopted domestically or being locked into an orphanage where they "live" until adulthood because they cannot be adopted as their parents, for whatever reason, will not sign them out of the orphanage giving permission for adoption. And so the battle continues ... there is no conclusion ...