Sunday, March 13, 2016

The Now-contested "Comfort Woman" Statue

Since Park Guen-hye says she accepted the apology of Japanese Prime Minister Abe, a political apology that is said to have been made to ease tensions in Asia, there are certain terms of giving and accepting the apology which are to be met. One of terms is the removal of the symbolic girl in front of the Japanese embassy in Seoul. The girl is a symbol of the "comfort women" who were forcibly made to sexually serve the Japanese military during the late occupation years (early 1940s) of the Korean peninsula. The girl sits facing the Japanese embassy, a symbol of youth ripped away and who sits there to confront the Japanese every day for their war crimes, which still have yet to be apologized for to the people who were aggressed against. 

The young girls, now called as "grandmothers" due to their age-group, have demonstrated in front of the Japanese embassy in the past 24 years more than 1,200 times. They have demanded an apology, but never has a Japanese ambassador come to watch, to talk, to listen, or to apologize. Only 42 or 43 of the former 286 "comfort women" who publicly "came out" remain alive, and they are in their late 80s and 90s. Time is definitely running out, and yet no apology to them seems forthcoming. However, the terms of the phone apology to Park Guen-hye requires the removal of the "comfort woman" statue, symbolic evidence of aggression, exploitation and abuse of power on women and a colonial society on a grand scale. 



Many of the "grandmothers" are bedridden, unable to protest. Volunteer activists stand in proxy of the grandmothers and defend the removal of the statue. Since the end of December 2015, they have stayed by the statue 24/7 preventing its removal. In the winter when temperatures dropped well below freezing, they huddled under piles of blankets. In rain it's the same, huddled under plastic sheets. They say the statue will not be removed until a real apology is forth-coming. 


And to symbolize the discomfort that the weather brings the nation, the volunteer protestors, and the Koreans as a whole, the statue is appropriately attired for the weather conditions it must "suffer" through in its endless wait.


SYMBOLOGY of the Statue of Peace / 평화나비 (Peace to her):
"Yeongjong Kim who is head of Jongno-gu has provided design ideas and works of art in the form of a girl instead of a memorial stone. Statue of Peace was built by Unseong Kim and Seogyeong Kim couple. The statue is about 130 cm and is dressed in a skirt and blouse, and an appearance in the girl with small hands and short hair sitting and staring at the Embassy of Japan." Statue of Peace
The design of the statue is imbued with symbols to communicate meaning to the viewers:
  • round face - the typical face shape of the 1920s 
  • hanbok - the proper and modest attire of a young girl or a Korean citizen at the time when the girls were forcibly taken
  • roughly shorn hair - severed relationship between the girl and her home country and her family
  • bird on her shoulder - middle object connecting the past experiences with the present life
  • clenched fists - an expression of the girl's outrage at the Japanese government for their silence and disregard of the girl's loss of innocence, family, home and a chance of a normal life
(not pictured)
  • slightly raised heel of the girl - though a return of the girl to her homeland, she is still not firmly transplanted back in the Korean society
  • empty chair beside the girl - a seat for the girls who never returned, a seat also for people to come and sit with the girl and share time and companionship with the girl
  • shadow under the girl - the shape of a girl who never returned but is metaphysically hovering; also the shape of a grandmother as she passes on but her "presence" is still felt by the presence of the girl who continues to sit and stare at the Japanese embassy, waiting for an apology
  • butterfly - (nestled in the heart of the shadow) a symbol of fluttering hope


For more symbology surrounding the 'comfort woman" statue watch 

The House of Sharing 


According to a placard inside of the House of Sharing Museum, more appropriately known as the Museum of Sexual Slavery by the Japanese Military, a museum dedicated to shedding history on the "comfort woman" issue, there are many "comfort woman" statues and memorials throughout Korea. I am unclear on whether these statues and memorials are also part of the demands for removal according to the terms of Japanese Prime Minister Abe's "apology", but they probably are. I was surprised, but the House of Sharing Museum also has a map of "comfort woman" memorials in the US. For more information, visit the online House of Sharing.


The red dots show where monuments and shrines for the victims of Japanese military sexual slavery are (as of 2015). So the 'comfort woman' statue in front of the Japanese embassy is just an example of the sentiment throughout the entire South Korean peninsula about the need for recognition to the problem and the need for a formal apology from Japan for their heinous war crime(s).This picture was taken at the House of Sharing, a home dedicated to care for the grandmothers euphemistically called former 'comfort women'.
Information about the location of the 'comfort woman' shrines and memorials in South Korea.
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The following was taken from the House of Sharing on the 14 June 2016 entry, Facebook. "The House of Sharing International Outreach team would like to share some saddening, extremely disappointing and disturbing news. The Peace Statue in Seoul was attacked today. (June 3rd) A woman hit the head of the statue with a hammer three times and left scars. She was arrested and confessed that she was paid to do so. Why? We know why and can guess who asked her to do that. We are so saddened by so called grown-ups' childish and animalistic behavior." 

The Peace Statue struck and scarred by a woman hired to do so. (June 3, 2016)

Saturday, March 12, 2016

Comfort Women Issue in Historical Context

Every Wednesday, for the past 24 years, in front of the Japanese Embassy in South Korea, protests have demanded Japan recognize its war crimes, establish an official fact-finding mission, and provide official reparations for the sexual slavery of the Japanese Imperial Army. Last year, Japan and South Korea settled on a “final and irreversible” agreement without consulting the victims. Professor Han, Hong-gu will explore this issue along with South Korea and Japan’s relationship within a historical and political context.

A History of the Sexual Slavery by the Japanese Military

In the words of Professor Han (translation), "In regard to the Korean-Japanese history, it (the comfort woman issue) is very complicated. Korea was more advanced economically and culturally in the 1700s than Japan, but we started to fall behind, which ultimately led to being colonized by Japan."
  • In 1592 Japan attacked (the Imjin War) but after those battles Korea and Japan had peaceful court relations
  • In 1872 a Japanese ship forced the opening of Korea to Japanese trade
  • In 1895 the queen was assassinated by the Japanese
  • In 1905 Korea lost the right to diplomacy. Korea fought against Japanese attempts at colonization. There was a lot of resistance, example, Ahn Jung-geun
Though many might criticize Korea as not fighting the Japanese hard enough to retain their freedom, the feasibility of resistance was very small. Unlike in India where 2,000 Brits controlled the country and in Vietnam where 28,000 French people occupied and controlled that country making resistance virtually impossible, 1,000,000 Japanese were in residence with military might in the Korean peninsula. And because Japan were so proximal to Korea, they could easily send more numbers for settlement and to express authority and power; their control was strong and the Japanese were expanding their empire.

In their occupation, they used assimilation policies. They wanted to treat the Koreans like Japanese with Koreans taking Japanese last names. (This was exceedingly resisted by the Koreans who didn't share the same vision with the Japanese. Very interesting colonization and assimilation attempt because Professor Han knows of no other country that has ever introduced assimilation policies.) Japan did industrialize Korea unlike other countries that had colonies, but their aim was to have a base to control other countries like China and countries in Southeast Asia.

When Japan "invaded" Korea, about 200,000 Korean immigrated between 1900-1945, that is, about 16-17% of the population. This was the largest migration of people in such a short time other than the Irish leaving Ireland because of the potato famine.

In 1919 the last emperor was poisoned and the March First Movement resulted. The emperor's poisoning led the way to more control by the Japanese.

Japan did create elementary schools, thus providing education, and they did improve literacy which was very low within Korea. However, in the 1930s the education became militarized and students were indoctrinated by thoughts like "When the Yankees come, we will crush their heads" and students were drilled to fight, parry and attack with sticks and swords during school hours. Schools became the vehicle for resistance. 

In 1936 손기전 a Korean ran in the Olympics under the Japanese flag. In fury and nationalism, the Japanese flag was erased from his uniform and then published in a Korean newspaper, which was a very bold move, and one that motivated the Japanese to clamp down on publication and enforce tighter control of the "freedom of the press".

About this time Japanese also motivated Koreans to labor in Japan, ex. Kyushu, because their own men were militarized in foreign countries to fight and expand the Japanese nation-empire. (These laborers were later repatriated.)

6-7 years later all of the Koreans incarcerated in the Sodaemun prison and the ones who weren't but who had fought for Korean freedom moved to North Korea and beyond to organize a resistance government outside of the Korean peninsula. These individuals were to remain outside of Korea after the end of WWII so the events of history unfolding didn't really improve after colonial times. Those people who had resisted the Japanese the most were not the ones made governors or given government positions. The ones who fought most for the freedom of the country were not viewed as leaders by the makers of the new republic ... After the Japanese flag came down, the American flag went up. Koreans did not regain their autonomy and right of self-government.


In result, the 38th parallel is one of the cursed indirect heritages left by the Japanese colonial period.

After WWII the 38th parallel was merely marked in roads and people could cross. Every year after the war the 38th parallel became more and more controlled, and ultimately the military patrolled the line, preventing anyone from crossing and closing down all communication between "countries".
After liberation, people had to punish the collaborators so many committees were set up. Ironically, the National Assembly contained people who were part of the punishment committee, but many of those assembly men were also accused of being communists. This pointing of punishment became a way for Japanese collaborators to "regain" power. 550,000 people were investigated, but not even 5,000 Japanese collaborators were investigated.

In 2009 a new form of Korean currency, the 100,000 won bill, much debated and discussed, was to be published. Kim Baek Bom, aka Kim Koo, leader of the provisional government during Japanese colonial period, was determined to be the figurehead for the bill. Kim Baek Bom had assassinated the president of the Korea National Assembly and therefore was a very controversial choice based on one's family and family politics. Why did the 100,000 won bill fail to be published? Because of the new Korean president of the time, Lee Myung Bak (president 2008 - 2013) and his family history; publishing the bill would have been problematic. When Lee Myung Bak became president, only the 50,000 won bill was passed, and very quickly the 100,000 won bill was scrapped.


Present-day Sexual Slavery Issue

At the end of December 2015, supposedly Korea and Japan finally "resolved" the years of controversy over the sexual slavery of Korean women (approximately 200,000) during the latter part of the colonial period. For details, read "Comfort Women Controversy between S. Korea and Japan Ended?" Many problems exist with this dropping of historical conflicts, most of it due to the apology not being public at all but reportedly given only to present president of Korea, Park Guen-hye, who was not a victim, who came from a family of strong Japanese sympathizers, and who has no authority of accepting such an apology, if indeed it did take place.


But how did such an "agreement of resolution" finally come about? The United States and China are in conflict and Korea and Japan are supporters and neighbors in the tension, so the United States wants them to get along and overcome their political historical baggage. Also, Japan really wants to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council so to purge themselves of some of their historical conflicts was seen as being in their best interests. The Japanese have never apologized for using the sexual slavery of women or for the Nanjing Massacre. Neither is there any discussion on the topics.




But then the question arises, why did Korea want to eliminate the sexual slavery issue? Park Guen-hye ultimately rushed to a conclusion to facilitate Korea-Japan relations. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is said to have called Park Guen-hye to apologize but only she heard this apology, but it is pointed out that "Park Guen-hye, daughter of dictator Park Chung-hee who also had a shameful career as a Japanese officer during the colonial period, wanted to throw away the burdensome image of a daughter of a pro-Japanese collaborator." Koreans want to hear the apology. Even the Japanese Parliament asked for a public apology but this was rejected. The questions remains: Does Park Guen-hye have the right to accept such an apology on behalf of the grandmothers who have never heard the apology?

A North Korean former comfort women became a witness at a tribunal and told who was who in this very iconic picture of young girls in a "comfort women" station. She also said that the baby was born but passed away.
Kim Hak-soon became the first former "comfort woman" to testify; her testimony came out in 1991, 46 years after the close of World War II. Why did it take so long? Many reasons. One being, in the case of the Holocaust, ALL Jews were victims so this could be an issue for open discussion. In the case of sexual slavery in Korea, the victims were poor rural daughters and loss of virginity was further blamed on women not men despite the reason for the loss, not to mention that the Korean society was patriarchal and women/daughters were not considered as important as men/sons. After WWII and then after the Korean War, Korea needed to focus on rebuilding the structure of the country; social issues were given little regard.

To support Kim Hak-soon, a Dutch former "comfort woman" came out also in order to support her, to give solidarity, and because she knew that an Asian wouldn't get the same attention as a "white" in regard to tribunal committees and forms of reparations and punishments. It is estimated that about 80% of all comfort women were Korean, and that guestimations of Korean comfort women range from 40,000 - 200,000; the latter does not seem to be a stretch of the truth.


The above picture of a military man dressed up in US military clothing with four comfort women is from the US National archives. Lots of information was made by the US military when they came across the comfort women stations. Why does the US have such notes? Because they noticed the Japanese fought to the death, absolutely, so they started documenting data about the Japanese. They noticed houses with women (as they took over territory) so they documented extensively about the women. This shows that the US military was very aware of the comfort women who were allegedly forced to serve the Japanese military, yet they the US remained silent. They therefore share some responsibility on not bringing this issue to the public or introducing it in the trials of Japanese soldiers after the war.


Most people focus on the issue as young girls being forced into sexual slavery, but the real focus should be on why the government implemented such a practice, supported it, and of course forced young women to participate. 

A Japanese picture labeled "The virgin girls" - In the back row are teenage girls and some in their 20s,
five and six-year-olds are in the front row. 
The caption reads, "When the war heroes come back from the war,
the girls will provide the best for them."
Maintaining comfort women and comfort stations isn't just an issue of nationalism with Koreans demanding apologies from Japan. Korean army documentation shows that the Korean military likewise maintained sexual stations for their men. "War History on the War Front" (1956) published by the Korean Army documents Koreans having comfort stations too. The book shows only four places were Korean comfort stations were (but there were more). In the book 89 women were listed serving 204,580 men. This was the number of Korean soldiers at the time. 

Professor Han cradling the book, "War History on the War Front" (1965)
In "War History on the War Front" is documentation of the number of men in the army at that time
and documentation of four comfort stations used by the Korean army.
Sexual slavery wasn't only limited to Japanese soldiers. Korean generals were collaborators with Japanese and they were the ones who authorized the sex slavery for the Korean army.

There was also a sexual slavery for the UN army at the time but statistics haven't been found as yet.

In 1965 an issue of normalization of slavery became an international discussion; however, the sexual slavery issue in regard to Japan wasn't brought up because the Korean government had their own sexual slavery, and at the time Korean soldiers were sent to Vietnam and sexual slaves went along to accompany and "accommodate" them.


In the 1970s the Korean government had a cleaning campaign for the military base area (because of STDs). In the US military about 1,000 US soldiers and about 700 Korean soldiers had STDs. 

"Monkey" House (which later became a documentary) was a detainment house for women who had STDs. The house functioned from the 1970s to 2003. There was a "joke" that if you worked (not as a female) at the Monkey House, you would become rich and be able to buy an elaborate house within two years because pimps would come around and want their girls out so bribes to get them released were lucrative and frequent.

Though women were not termed comfort women and were paid, albeit a very marginal amount, they functioned sexually for the military. Military prostitution became a part of US military bases, not within the base grounds but just outside the encampment so as not to be "officially" military operated. However, such operations did occur. American Town was a house opened 24 hours a day and served about 1,000 US soldiers. It was operated by a high-up official from the KCIA (2nd or 3rd in command). Officials told the women working there, "You are a safety net for keeping the US military men happy." From the 1950s to 1960s the revenue made by the women serving the US military men was 10% of South Korea's Grose National Product. 

Former prostitute for the American military speaks out and writes a book
on American Town where she did sexual work.
Military camps in South Korea are still set up with red-light districts around, and the women working in them were euphemistically called 양공주 (Western or Yankee princess). It is said that the South Korean and US government collude on providing sexual entertainment facilities for the US military men serving in South Korea; former prostitutes testify against both governments

For so many reasons, the comfort women issue has not gotten the sharp focus and attention of the South Korean government as well as international backing to achieve an apology and war crime reparations. Though an "apology" is said to have been given and received, politics has shaped and continues to shape how "noisy" the governments want to be, or don't want to be, on the politically and economically driven issue that seems to mask the social aspect.

In "apologizing" to Park Geun-hye, one of the demands of the Japanese government for giving apology is the removal of the controversial comfort woman sculpture in front of the Japanese embassy. Many such images exist in South Korea and they, according to the terms of the apology, are all to be removed. Activists stay 24/7 with the sculpture. They say it will not be removed until a real apology is forth-coming. The former comfort women have gathered every Wednesday for 24 years now. They have protested more than 1,200 times. Never during this time has a Japanese ambassador come to see, to talk, to listen, or to apologize. There doesn't seem to be a formal, public apology forthcoming and the activists will continue to demand recognition and apology indefinitely until it does.

Friday, March 11, 2016

An Ethnographic Look at "People With Disabiities" in Korean Society

Symone Gosby, recent graduate of Smith College and an East Asian studies major, presents her research on the disabilities right movement and the self-determination of people with disabilities (PWD). As a student with disabilities herself (she doesn't say which), Symone is interested in the transformation of disabilities with Korean society. After completing her 2015-2015 Fulbright research grant, she plans to study Human Rights and Humanitarian Policy.

Following is the write-up of her current in-progress research:
Nothing About Us, Without Us: An Ethnographical Study on the Effect of Self-Determination in the Lives of People with Disabilities  
"Ever heard of the Korean Disability Rights Movement? Not many have. Yet, since the 1980s the movement has made a significant impact on the way people with disabilities (PWD) are treated and viewed within Korea society. The movement has resulted in laws such as the Welfare of Persons with Disabilities Act (1989), Disability Employment Promotion and Vocational Rehabilitation Act (1999), Anti-Discrimination Act (2007), and more.  
Before the 1980s, PWD were invisible members of society and the topic of disabilities was considered taboo. Although over the decades the situation of PWD has improved and disabilities has become a more openly talked about and studied subject, PWD continue to be a marginalized group in Korean society. This is in part due to the negative attitudes and misconceptions held by people without disabilities. In a society where education and economic contribution is a measurement of one’s societal participation, PWD are wrongly seen as pitiful beings who are unable to fully contribute to society. This idea needs to be changed. Corrected misconceptions are key for further social inclusion.  
My research focuses on self-determination as a method to social integration. This method allows PWD to be at the forefront of correcting societal misconceptions. Research has shown that PWD equipped with the skill of self-determination challenge the perceptions of others who view them as incapable of making decisions about their own lives and also have a better quality of life. Although educators understand the importance of teaching self-determination, the Korean educational system leaves little room for actual implementation. Although western scholars say self-determination should be taught as early as pre-school, this is not completely possible for Korea. This does not mean students with disabilities (SWD) are void of such skill, however.  
  • Through 1-on-1 interviews with SWD from multiple universities in Seoul, I investigate what factors have influenced them to exercise self-determination and how this skill has affected their lives."
Disability Rights Movement: A History

Several events and the passing of international laws resulted in a slow change in discourse for PWD in South Korea—that is, the change of focus from individual fault to that of social responsibility, and thus enabling the passing of Korea's first welfare law, the Welfare Law for Mentally Disabled and Handicapped.
  • UN Principles of Anti-discrimination
  • 1948 - Universal Declaration of Human Rights
  • 1975 - UN Declaration of the Rights of Disabled Persons
  • 1981 - International Year of Disabled People
  • 1987 - Protests against Seoul hosting the 1988 Paralympic Games, which cloaked human rights violations of disabled people
  • Welfare law amended (enhancing PWD social status, equalling employment legislation, inducing affirmative action for education)
  • Committee for Health and Welfare for the Disabled created
    • Gaining of mainstream societal attention and therefore challenging of stereotypes
  • OECD member eligibility, and therefore more welfare reforms
  • 1994 - Special university admission for students with disabilities (SWD), which increased the number of SWD pursuing higher education
    • First universities to implement special admission process
      • Yonsei University
      • Ewha Womans University
      • Sogang University
      • Daegu University
      • Presbyterian College and Theological Seminary
    • 100 colleges (5% nationwide) implement special admission process
  • Right to medical treatment, economic and social security, education, mobility, etc, namely the recognition of Fundamental Human Rights
  • Right to mobility:
    • Elevators at every subway station, wheelchair accessible buses, amenities for comfortable and safe usage of public transportation
    • May 2002 - Subway Lift Incident (many accidents with the subway lifts but a PWD finally died in such an accident), which resulted in a hunger strike and City Hall demonstration 
from the blog of a sports enthusiast who became a paraplegic January 1999
source
차별에 가로막힌 장애인들의 고향 방문 ‘꿈’

Existing Legislature:
  • 1989 - Welfare for Persons with Disabilities Act
  • 1990 - Act Relating to Employment, Promotion, etc of the Handicapped
  • 1994 - Special Education Promotion Law
  • 1997 - Act of Facilities Improvement for Persons with Disabilities
  • 2005 - Reasonable Accommodations of Public Transportation for the Weak Act
  • 2007 - Act of Employment Promotion and Vocational Rehabilitation for Disabled Persons
  • 2007 - Anti-Discrimination Against and Remedies for Persons with Disabilities Act
  • 2011 - Children with Disabilities Welfare Act
Current Situation:

Disabled Population: 2,646,064 (5.45 total population)
  • 15 disability types
  • physical
  • brain lesions
  • blindness
  • deafness
  • speech impediment
  • intellectual/developmental
  • autism
  • mental
  • kidney disorder
  • heart disorder
  • respiratory disorder
  • liver disorder
  • facial disorder
  • intestinal disorder
  • epilepsy
  • NOTE: learning disabilities not included
One of the biggest ways people with disabilities have been discriminated against is in education, and as a result, their achievable socioeconomic status.




A 7-minute podcast on Disabled South Koreans Most Common Victims of Discrimination discloses that more than half of all discrimination complaints filed in South Korea come from people with disabilities.

Symone Gosby is only partially done with her study, particularly focusing on SWD. Her hope is that ultimately her research, by listening to and documenting the voice of the oppressed, will further awareness of the hidden, and in some cases, obvious on-going elements of prejudice and discrimination.

Tuesday, March 8, 2016

Catastrophic Losses of Korean Architecture

Peter Bartholomew shares "Untold Story" about what has tragically happened to old architectural structures in Korea. The Untold Story: 1,800 Years of Korean Architectural Heritage & History Demolished in the 20th Century (Today, Out of Sight & Out of Mind!)


The lecture at the Royal Asiatic Society Korea Branch was given by Peter Bartholomew, long-term resident of Korea, and one who has a passion for Korea's old architecture. His passion is so large and his interest so great that he has lived in a hanok that he has repaired and maintained. As I understand it, his hanok is actually two hanoks renovated to create a single larger structure. His floor heats the traditional way with just a few sticks of wood in the very economically functioning ondol clay-constructed floor. His passion extends beyond his own hanok and to the history and structure, and sadly, the disappearance of the hanoks throughout the Koreas. Three times he has lodged lawsuits against the Korean government in order to be allowed to remain living in one of Korea's very very few remaining hanoks still remaining in Seoul (his own house!) and three times he has won. The last time he won it seems that the Korean government is finally seeing a glimmer of importance in retaining the tiny few hanoks that still remain. What wasn't destroyed by the Japanese, and this was a considerable number, has been destroyed by the Korean government in the name of modernizing their great cities ... and country sides ... and in general, not placing value on their own rich history. 

The following is a write-up of the lecture presented by Peter and as written on the RASKB web page.

♣ Illustrated with maps, drawings (Royal Archives) & photos of sites today and during late Choseon Period to early Japanese occupation period.

Korea’s countryside in the early 20th Century - Korea was dominated everywhere by impressive walled cities, towns & villages, palatial provincial administrative centers resembling small palaces and royal palaces in the Kyongki Province region. The architecture was of palatial scale and style, similar to palaces in Seoul today.

Regrettably very little of this remains today. Most foreigners assume that Korea is a country without a significant architectural history beyond the palaces in Seoul and Buddhist temple compounds. Nothing could be farther from the truth!

During their occupation from 1910 to 1945, the Japanese authorities ordered and carried out the demolition of over 15,000 buildings in these royal compounds throughout Korea from the Manchurian border to Jeju Island, as part of their program to erase the magnificent architectural evidence of Korean independence and the authority and grandeur of the Korean royal (imperial) authority and sophistication and replace it with Japanese models.

Suwon Walled City ~ West Gate and Watch Tower
Haemi Town Walls, Gate and Defense Tower
Until very recently Korean people themselves were unaware that these royal palace and administrative compounds existed, with their magnificent walls, pavilions and monumental buildings. Fortunately, during the past 10 years there has been a movement to recover part of what has been lost. Archeological excavations are taking place nation-wide to find the remains of buildings demolished by the Japanese. Town walls and pavilions are being restored / rebuilt and some of the major buildings reconstructed, following drawings and descriptions in the Chosun Royal Archives (Kyujanggak).

This lecture introduces to the audience the vast scale of Korea’s provincial monumental architectural heritage pre-Japanese occupation using photos before demolitions and of the sites today, with explanations of the cultural, historical and architectural importance of this vast body of destroyed heritage.
The King’s chambers in Suwon Palace (“Haeng Kung”)
Peter Bartholomew has lived in Korea continuously since 1968 and has engaged in the study of Korean history, culture and architecture during most of that time. During the late 1960’s to early 70’s he lived in Kangnung on the estate of a branch of the Chosun Dynasty royal family and was privileged to learn in depth about Chosun period culture from the owner, a lady born in the late 1890’s. Since that time Peter has continued his research in the field and now is well known as an activist for heritage architecture preservation. In 2011 he received the Sejong Citation for Contributions to Korean Culture (from the Lee Myung Bak government) and now serves on the President Committee for Cultural Enrichment (문화융성위원회), working for improvement of better understanding of Korea’s traditional cultural attributes.

1870 Royal Archives Administrative Drawing: Anju Royal Provincial Government Center
Jeju Royal Administration Centre
Remaining buildings of the Songchon Royal Administrative Compound ~ 1930s
The content Peter Bartholomew shared is phenomenal and I think I can fairly say that no other person is more passionate about traditional Korean architecture. Peter's wealth of knowledge on the subject is daunting, as can be seen from the detail in numbers and organization in the following slides from his presentation. (Actually this presentation was Part II. I'm sorry to miss Part I. Where was I that I would miss such information?!?) 
[click on pictures to enlarge]




Images and Maps: Monumental Architecture (circa 1910 - 1930s)



There are no original Haeng Kung remaining in Korea. All 15 palaces were demolished.
The only example standing is the recently reconstructed "Hwaseong Haeng Gung" in Suwon.


Kyeongbokgung - In 1945 after the Japanese occupation and prior to the Korean War only 12 structures remained out of 300+.

Demolitions in Seoul after 1954:
  • All "Pyeol Gung" except Unhyeon Kung
  • Sungrye Mun (South Gate in 1962 and recently rebuilt)
  • Stone structures: bridges and city wall, especially Cheonggye Stream
  • Chong Chin Bu (Office of Royal Household)
  • Kum Ui Yeong (built early 1600s)
  • Vernacular buildings (residences and commercial bridges)

Cheonggye Stream's 10 stone bridges, retaining walls and stream bed paving
  • The stream - first constructed during 1400s
  • Demolition starting from late 1950s
  • Major destruction during 1969-1970
  • 2005-2006 final remains removed from the current Cheonggye Stream "restoration"

a stone bridge of Cheonggye Stream before demolition/removal