Kwangju Massacre and National Cemetery

My first year in Korea was spent in Kwangju, and of the six and sometimes seven teachers at my institute, the majority were females because, even though the Kwangju Massacre had taken place 11 years previous and the American government was heavily blamed, emotions were still hot, and those emotions were sometimes aggressively projected on white males, which for the most part in Korea at the time were either American or Canadian, but same-same, they were white. Kwangju also had an American air force at the time, but the American men were careful about going about the city, especially because they had short hair-cuts and wore uniforms. They could be targeted if the mood turned aggressive, a possibility when people are angry and feel like getting retribution.

As I remember it, Kwangju was filled with demonstrations, not against the American government but against their own. Even though Korea had become a democracy on paper in 1988 with the people's election of the president, in actuality, a country does not become a democracy overnight and so the people were demonstrating. Rock, bricks, molatov cocktails (gasoline in coke bottles and lit but carefully carried before being thrown at police and riot police) were pretty standard. Kwangju was the city known as a place of demonstrations, and on the anniversary of the 1980 massacre, my Canadian friend and I along with an older male student went to the national cemetery to see what was happening. A lot was happening but I didn't dare use my camera, so our male friend took my camera and got many shots, one was even a shot of the burning of an effigy of Uncle Sam. My Canadian friend and I just stood there, trying to fit into the setting. Sometimes people approached us, many stared, but though a small amount of tension was present, there was no aggression. Instead, the feeling we got was curiosity about us too, who we were and why were we there.

So today, after many many years I returned to Kwangju. I had been back a few times in the early years of being in Korea. On my returns I always felt a little displaced became right after I left, the new Kwangju Express Bus Terminal opened, but in an area far from the downtown area I knew. I used to live right beside the old City Hall, but that even was relocated too, to the new downtown area with widely spaced roads and complexes of tall, fat modern buildings.

Anyway, as our bus passed through various parts of Kwangju, I was eagerly looking around for landmarks, key places I had been, but I recognized ... NOTHING! The whole fabric of the city had changed. The central part of the city was no longer in the area I had been, so I spent an afternoon feeling very confused. And when we got to the National Cemetery for the May 18th Democratic Uprising, I felt even more confused because I clearly remembered my experience at the National Cemetery in 1992. Well, come to find out that a few short years after I had left Kwangju, this new cemetery for those connected with the uprising was completed and all bodies reinterred here.

National Cemetery for the May 18th Democratic Uprising

"In Memoriam" sign: Here in the National Cemetery for the May 18th Democratic Uprising lie the meritorious persons who fought and sacrificed themselves during the Gwangju Uprising of 1980 and those laudable victims who died in the aftermath of the physical or mental injuries they sustained. 

The bodies of the victims were carried in garbage trucks and carts and buried without official recognition in the Old May 18 Cemetery (the 3rd graveyard of the Municipal Cemetery). 

With the completion of a 3-year consecration project (1994-1997), all bodies were moved and reburied together in this new cemetery. In accordance with the Act on the Honorable Treatment for Meritorious Persons of the May 18th Uprising, this cemetery, which had been managed by the Gwangju Municipal Administration, was promoted and renamed as the National Cemetery for the May 18th Democratic Uprising on July 27, 2002 by the Korean state. 

This cemetery will function as an education center, promoting the conviction that injustice and dictatorship should never return to this country, so that the spirit of May 18th may be engraved in the hearts of all people making this a sacred place for democracy forever.

The Meaning of the May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising (sign)

The May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising was a civil uprising against a military dictatorship conspiring to seize political power illegally, in which citizens demanded a new democracy in Korea. It was an eruption of the people's strong desire to declare themselves as masters of their own history and to defend their rights. 

The May Gwangju Democratic Uprising provided the momentum for other democratic movements in Korea and confirmed that the people, once awakened, are the driving force in the development of a democratic society. The Uprising was a legitimate and just struggle against injustice and dictatorship. 

In addition, the May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising played an important role in unveiling the immorality of the military regime of the Fifth Republic. Furthermore, it was a decisive movement which eventually brought an end to the illegitimate political system and gave birth to a truly democratic government, when for the first time in its history a peaceful turnover of political power from the government party to an opposition party occurred in February 1998. 

The Gwangju Democratic Uprising will be remembered as a people's struggle, which not only inherited the tradition of independence, democracy and reunification that had manifested itself in just historical struggles for human rights, but also introduced a new indestructible determination for justice in the modern history of Korea. 

Chronology of the May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising (sign)

A Prelude to the May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising: May 17-18, 1980

24:00 May 17: Emergency martial law declared nationwide
01:00 May 18: Paratroopers dispatched throughout Gwangju
10:20 May 18: The first clash between students and paratroopers at the front gate of Chonnam National University.

Escalation of Demonstrations against the Government Troops: May 19-20, 1980

08:00 May 19: Martial Law Enforcement Headquarters arrested 549 leaders and participants in the uprising.
14:20 May 20: Regular citizens joined the demonstrations

The Rage of the People Explodes: May 21, 1980

11:20 May 21: Talks between Martial Law Forces and Citizen's Resolution Committee began
13:00 May 21: Talks broke down. Paratroopers fired indiscriminately into groups of unarmed citizens.
17:00 May 21: Paratroopers withdrew from Gwangju

Autonomous Citizen's Community, Gwangju: May 22-26, 1980

21:00 May 22: May 18 Resolution Committee began to maintain public order
09:35 May 23: Resolution Committee Headquarters established in the Provincial Hall and a Gwangju Citizen's Rally was held
22:00 May 25: Establishment of the uprising leadership

The Last Struggle: May 27, 1980

06:30 May 27: Martial Law Forces occupied the Provincial Hall. The May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising came to a bloody end as Martial Law Forces suppressed demonstrators.

Victims of the May 18 Gwangju Democratic Uprising & Its Present Condition

Victims: 4,493

Killed during the uprising: 165 (May 18~27, 1980)
Missing: 66
Arrested and wounded: 4,262
Unrelated: 5 

According to Wikipedia, the burial capacity of the cemetery is 784 and currently the cemetery contains 482 burials.

Establishment of the May 18 Cemetery

May 13, 1993: The May 13th Special Presidential Declaration
Nov 26, 1993: The location of the cemetery chosen
Nov 1, 1994: Construction work begins
May 4, 1997: Re-interment of victims
May 13, 1997: Completion of cemetery
July 27, 2002: Recognized as a National Cemetery

The May 18th Memorial Monument, 40 meters in height, is designed on the traditional flagpole (dangganjiju), a design perhaps to invoke the forever waving of a flag. The concept of this design expressed new life and survival with the "seed of hope" in the centermost position. Overall, the ovular sculpture represents "resurrection". 

The typical altar and incense in front of a grave.
In this cemetery the prayer are for all. White chrysanthemums, the flower signifying death and mourning,
can be placed on the altar also.

picture by Witold Zukowski

Every grave is marked, the front of the tombstone tells the name of the person, the sides and back tell some of his/her biography, family and perhaps the role he/she had in the uprising.

Here lies a grave to an unidentified body. The picture of the mugumghwa, the national flower, is used instead of the person's face. No name, therefore no family connections, sometimes no known role in the uprising. A very sad tomb. A friend's sister never came home. Perhaps she is one of the unnamed, unidentified.

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May 18, 1980: An eyewitness account of the Gwangju Massacre
Published in the Korean Observer, May 19, 2015, by Kristen Alice

It was May of 1980, and Na Byung-un didn’t realize that he was about to become a part of history. Working at a Billiards hall in Gwangju, and attending nighttime classes to prepare for a university entrance exam, he’d become acutely aware of the creeping increase in government control over the past several years.

At that time, “the dictatorship was the worst,” he remembers with a forlorn look in his eyes. Na was a survivor of one of the most brutal incidents in modern South Korean history: The Gwangju Democratic Uprising, also known as the Gwangju Massacre.

Strolling along the glittering streets of almost any major city center, it is easy to forget that in a not-so-distant past, South Korea was a desperately poor country under a dictatorial military regime.

Before the gleaming rows of cafes serving up 6,000 won ($5.5) fancy lattes, fields of rice stretched as far as the eye could see; before flashy K-Pop concerts, there were military juntas and martial law.

In those days, South Korea’s GDP per capita was just under $4,000 per person, or less than one-sixth than that of the United States, according to World Bank data. As a country with few natural resources recovered from Japanese colonization, it struggled to find its footing politically, economically, and socially. This was especially true in Gwangju, a city nestled in the one of the poorest regions of South Korea, agricultural South Jeolla Province.

Na Byung-un

“People were very, very poor, and they led miserable lives.” Na recalls. “They didn’t even have one dollar.”

In addition to poverty, a thick fog of fear had descended upon the peninsula. In a country where speaking out against the government could land you in prison, few people dared disturb the peace.

According to Na, there was a rumor that those who criticized the government would be kidnapped and murdered in secret. For many, freedom was the only thing they had left, a precious commodity not to be risked without very good reason.

In October of 1979, dictator Park Chung-hee was assassinated, and the Korean people harbored a faint glimmer of hope that it would signify a new era of democracy. However, that hope was short-lived, as a military coup, led by Chun Doo-hwan, seized control.

One of the priorities of this new regime was to stamp out any emerging signs of dissidence, and keep Korea clenched tightly in the military’s iron grip.

Na recounts, “People had been uprising and protesting against dictatorship continuously under Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan. They put innocent people into prison and oppressed the masses by force of arms. So people all rose up. It was the uprising of the public.”

On May 18, 1980, martial law was expanded throughout South Korea. Universities were shut down and political speech banned. Protests began breaking out around the country.

Approximately 50 students, who were blocked from entering the Chonnam National University campus, began protesting. In response, paratroopers were dispatched, and began violently beating the student protesters.

Some protesters responded by wielding sticks and throwing rocks to defend themselves from the excessive force. The military shot back by assaulting men, women, and children, regardless of age, whether they were protesting or not.

Over the next few days, the protests grew exponentially. Taxi drivers formed a brigade and drove to the Provincial Office, where they blocked the military from assaulting citizens, and transported injured people to hospitals. Some drivers were pulled from their cars and beaten or killed.

“All Gwangju citizens were involved in the protests, because all of us were together as one. Everyone thought we had to stand against injustice,” says Na. “Even the police were on our side. They changed into normal clothes at night and joined us.”

The government’s response grew even more violent and oppressive. Transportation and communication in and out of Gwangju were cut off, effectively isolating the city from the rest of the country.

The government labeled Gwangju residents as Communists and North Korea sympathizers, and referred to the pro-democracy marches as riots. Citizens were trapped inside the city, and military blockades prevented civilians from getting in or out.

Residents of other regions of South Korea had no idea what was going on in Gwangju. On May 21, protesters took over the Provincial Office, and the military opened fire on civilians.

Na himself was attacked by airborne troops while he was working on the second floor of the billiards hall. He was bashed repeatedly with a baton, and dragged to the ground floor, where soldiers tried to load him into a military truck.

However, while the troops were trying to force him inside, some students began angrily throwing stones at them. Distracted, they began chasing the students. At that moment, Na recalls, “Some people appeared and helped to pass me over a wall, where the troops couldn’t see me. Some women protected me. That is why I am now alive.”

The protests continued daily in Gwangju, and spread to surrounding cities, including Mokpo, Naju, Hwasun, and Haenam until May 27. In the early morning on that date, the military violently stormed the city, using tanks and helicopters to reclaim the Provincial Office.

According to the May 18 Memorial Foundation, during those ten days 154 people were killed, 74 went missing, and 4,141, including Na, were injured. Other sources, however, place the numbers even higher, and according to the UNESCO Memory of the World Register, 102 more people died later from their injuries.

Life never went back to normal for Na. He returned to his hometown of Naju, where he lived with his family and focused on his recovery. He quit school, instead deciding that he would make money to support his family. However, he knows that his involvement in this movement was not in vain.

“Because of Gwangju’s May 18 democratization movement, Korea became more democratic. It served as a momentum to bring justice to all in the world,” he noted.

Na believes that the government’s response to these protests was intended to spark feelings of regionalism, since a divided populace would be easier to control. He shares some final advice with us. “Regionalism,” he says, “is the center of corruption.”

He explained that regionalism must never happen in any country, because it makes life hard for everyone.

“The nation should watch the government, and the government should care for the nation. When the government does something wrong, people should criticize them,” Na points out.

Brief History and Politics of Jogye Temple,

The Jogye Temple was established in 1395 at the dawn of the Joseon Dynasty, and since that time the Jogye Order has emerged as the largest order of Buddhism in South Korea. In 1910 at the beginning of the Japanese occupation period, the temple Gakhwangsa was constructed by monks who desired independence for Korean Buddhism. The Japanese had their own form of Buddhism, Zen, while Seon Buddhism was the Korean style. Though both had the same origin, the cultures they were introduced into affected social and ritual differences.

Despite cultural differences between Zen and Seon Buddhism, Gakhwangsa Temple served as a spiritual backbone for Korean people during Japanese occupation. Much of Korea's traditional Buddhist heritage was destroyed during occupation, but Gakhwangsa was known to have retained some of the core spirit and history of Korean Buddhism.

In 1937 Gakhwangsan was relocated to its present address, and the following year it was renamed as Taegosa (Great Old Temple) because it was the treasure-house for maintaining Korean Buddhism traditions. Taegosa was a temple originally founded in 1341 AD by the monk Taego-Bo-U, who was instrumental in reviving Korean Buddhism during a period of decline.

After the Japanese occupation period, in 1954, the Buddhist Purification Movement was established and, in their attempts to purge the Japanese effects of Buddhism from Korean-style Buddhism,  and Buddhism in South Korea came to be separated mainly by celibacy vows. The name Jogye for the unmarried monks was created, and the Taego Temple renamed the Jogye Temple, and it became over time the central temple for the Jogye Order. In later years the separation between the celibates and the monks who could marry, a kickback from the Japanese era, led to the stratification of Buddhism, namely, the Taego Order which allowed monks to marry, and the Jogye Order which enforced vows of celibacy. Of course there were other practices that separated the two orders.

Celebrations at the Jogye Temple increase as Buddha's birthday approaches. Every year the decorations for Buddha's birthday become more and more elaborate. See pictures of Jogyesa in 2009, 2010, and 2012.

Each colorful lotus blossom represents an individual prayer.

And the prayers are many and crowd the clouds.

The name, Jogye

The name Jogye is taken from a mountain where the Sixth Patriarch of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism, Hulneng (638-713 AD), lived. Master Hulneng, though born poor and illiterate, attained enlightenment on hearing the Diamond Sutra being chanted. As the story goes, he later was recognized by the Fifth Patriarch and became his successor. The name, Jogye, therefore is metaphysically linked to the attainment of enlightenment.

The temple grounds

The main hall houses a relatively small Buddha of unknown origin. Behind the Buddha statue is a traditional painting with the central figure being Sakyamuni—the Historical Buddha—guardians, some of Buddha's disciples. Bodhisatttvas, and others flanking him. On both sides are cases containing sutras carved on wooden blocks. The central shrine is surrounded by hundreds of Buddhas; they are symbolic of many Buddhas in the universe. The order of greatness in a Buddhist temple is determined by spiritual attainment of enlightenment, as I understand it:

Buddha

bodhisattva

araha

4 heavenly kings

attendants (includes Buddha's disciples?)

To the left of the main hall is the bell pavilion where hangs the drum, the bell, the gong and the fish—instruments used to regulate temple life and call all sentient beings to listen to the liberating words of Buddha being chanted every evening. When calling all animals, first the drum is rhythmically beaten. Then the large bell calls all who suffer and live in realms of torment; in the morning it is struck 28 times, in the evening 33 times. Then the cloud-shaped gong calls all beings of the air. Finally the log-carved-into-a-fish (with its never blinking eyes symbolic of continual awareness) calls all creatures from the water. Every day of the year, a monk is in charge of sounding these instruments at 4 a.m. and 6 p.m.

In front of the main hall is a seven-storied pagoda said to contain a relic of the Buddha brought by a Sri Lankan monk in 1914. Also beside the main hall is a 500-year-old (baeksong) lacebark white pine tree reportedly brought from China. This type of tree grows and reproduces very slowly and today is very rare. This tree was so highly valued that it was moved from its previous site at Gakhwangsa Temple to its present location. In 1962 the Korean government designated it as a Natural Monument. Also in the compound is a 450-year-old Chinese scholar tree, a tree that is planted near Buddhist temples and palaces as it is believed that they convert negative energy into positive energy and happiness. The Chinese name for the tree (槐) is composed of the word 木 ("wood") and 鬼 ("demon"). In folklore, it is said that a cowherd once built a home out of this species of tree, and within a month his entire family was suddenly found dead, with no signs of foul play. It was therefore believed that demons are drawn to this tree and it is therefore not appropriate to use its wood to build homes, but it is useful for luring demons away from other wood constructions. In temples and palaces it is deemed to alter luck and bring good fortune.

Pungsujiri? (Geomancy?)

Jogyesa Temple is the only major temple within the old city walls of Seoul. In 1937 the temple Gakhwangsa was relocated within the four great walls of Seoul, something unprecedented and unthought of in the Joseon Dynasty. The temple was renamed Taegosa and, reading between the lines, it seems to be another move of the Japanese to control and subdue the Korea spirit and their sense of the religious, especially as it was located not very far from the front gate of Kyoungbokgung, the largest palace, and positioned central to all of the palace structures and precisely between the Sajik and Jongmyo Shrines. Two of the four most important Confucian ritual ceremonies were held at these two shrines: Jongmyo for memorial services to the 19 tablets of Confucian kings of the Joseon Dynasty, and Sajik Shrine for ceremonial prayers and petitions to the gods to bless earth and crops. When performed correctly, these rituals guaranteed order and success for the rule of the nation.

A crafty move to position a Buddhist temple center-most amongst the five Korean palaces and positioned precisely between the two foremost shrines of the Korean nation, which became more and more a suppressed colony.

Therefore, when looking at the order and structure of the city, selecting the site for the Taegosa Temple was a well-thought-out move on the Japanese part to further break the spirits of Koreans and to break their connections of ki (energy) and pungsujiri. Both the Japanese and Koreans highly believed in geomantic principles, so locating a Buddhist temple amidst the Confucian-planned city appears to be a determined move to break the pungsujiri and flow of connected energy to the nation.

Korean Shaman Folklorist: Kim Tae-gon

The Myeongdu mirrors that 

Korean shamans believed 

would protect them from evil spirits.

This special exhibition presents shamanistic relics collected by Namgang, the pen name of Kim Taegon (1936-1996). Kim Taegon is considered the oldest folklorist in Korea. From 1960 he conducted field research on various types of gut, shamanistic rituals and rites, all the while collecting disappearing shamanistic data. In 2012, his widow Son Jang-yeon, donated a total of 31,742 items categorized under paintings of spirits, shaman's ritual costumes and equipment, photographs and films to the National Folk Museum of Korea (NFMK). As a result, the NFMK published the collection book, In Search of the Arch-patterns of Korean Culture and opens this special exhibition to pay tribute to the meaning of his donation. The four themes in this exhibition are:

1. Who is Kim Taegon?
2. Record of the spiritual world
3. Record of communicating with the spirits
4. Searching for shamanistic spirits in the north

Who is Kim Taegon?

Although a folklorist, Kim Taegon was simultaneously a scholar of Korean literature, and he combined his skills as he continually conducted field research at ritual sites and pursued the study of Korean folklore. He wrote 34 books, including Painting of the Spirits in Korea and over 200 academic journal articles such as "Study of Hwang Cheonmuga." When he was a university student, he was interested in folklore studies so he traveled and visited different ritual sites around Korea. After he became familiar with the various rituals around Korea, he formulated the arch-pattern concept. This perspective is his original notion that every thing in existence remains even though it undergoes both good times and hardships. Later he tried to prove this idea and to apply it to the nature of shamanism in Korea. 

Over time he expanded his study of folklore into Mongolia and Siberia, but in 1996 at the age of 61 he died suddenly. His students and fellow scholars have carried on with his studies of shamanic traditions via his many journals articles and writings, and they are pursuing his further comparative studies in the steppes.

Various types of gut (loosely translated as exorcisms)

picture taken June 15, 1972 (Chilseong gut) - 칠성굿 - Chilseong gut - an exorcism involving the Pleiades, the star formation that has influenced shamanic practices.

Picture taken June 15, 1972 (Shimcheong gut) - 심청굿

Picture taken February 24, 1976. Ogugut - 오구굿 

Record of communicating with the spirits

Shamanism is a religion that focuses on solving the problems of reality through communication between humans and the spiritual imagery of shamans acting as liaisons. Thus, Kim Taegon paid attention to how people communicated with the gods and tried to understand the origin of shamanism through conducting field research on ritual sites. His research equipment -- notes, photographs, films, research findings -- reveals his passion to trace history. In 1972, he filmed namijanggunsadangje (a ritual to console the spirit of General Nami (1441-1468) who was wrongly accused of conspiring against the government), registered as Seoul City's Intangible Cultural Asset No. 20. It was of a village gut of Youngmundong in Seoul that had been passed down from olden times and had brought local villagers together. Unfortunately, the namijanggunsadangje disappeared in 1972, but with the record caught in film and through Kim's research notes, the ritual ceremony was reconstructed in 1983.

Recording the spirit world

As gods are believed to be personifications of natural forces, they are invisible. Thus, human beings try to communicate with the gods by using tangible objects such as shrines, paintings of the gods, ritual equipment, ritual costumes as well as the intangible, via ritual songs and music. The gut, or rather the shamanistic rituals and rites, is an event for the shaman to offer a sacrifice to the spirits through speaking and performance. At shrines and other places shamans wear ritual costumes and carry ritual equipment in front of paintings of the spirits in order to pray for them to intercede in the fortune of the world. Kim Taegon collected a variety of paintings of the gods and ritual equipment of shamans from his extensive research endeavors.

Painting of commander-in-chief of the gods - 신장도
Painting of a mountain god - 산신도
Painting of rivers and streams - 수신 * 천신
Painting of a god of man - 인신
Painting of the 5 directions -오방신

Shamanic flag of the 5 directions - 오방신장기 - each color representing a direction and having different auspicious meanings. The green flag is considered the least auspicious, and it even represents misfortune and bad luck.

Painting of the goddess of disease - 호구별상
Painting of a straw cutter - 작두신령

Searching for shamanistic spirits in the north

When Kim Taegon worked as a guest professor at the University of Copenhagen in Denmark, 1982-1983, he realized he needed to conduct field research in Siberia and Mongolia to better balance his understanding of shamanism. So he accordingly conducted research in both of the places in order to trace ethnic culture through comparisons between the Korean peninsular country and the continental cultures. This research spans seven years and was conducted in the 1990s. 

A Changing Inwangsan

Inwangsan, the name literally translated as "mountain of a generous king", is located in Jongno-gu, at Dongnimmun station, line 3, and is in the opposite direction as the Seodaemun prison at the same stop. It's been at least 5 years since I've been to Inwangsan and I was a bit surprised at the disappearance of many of the mudang dwellings that were on the lower slopes of the low mountain. The last couple of times I've come, they were in the process of being emptied or torn down. Many of the homes were battered, had crumbling cement walls and leaky rooves; those on the lowest slopes were already empty, but I didn't expect a huge state-of-the-art high-rise complex to replace vast lower slopes of the mountain itself and for the higher apartments to be able to peek at the private activities of the mudangs still living on the mountain. The mudang culture certainly is disappearing. As I understand it, many mudangs no longer live here, which is a shame, as there was a sense of community wrapped in mystery on the slopes. Definitely modernism is supplanting the traditional shamanic beliefs, values, and even rituals.

With the new construction came a new "face" to the mountain. Whenever an apartment complex is built, the building-financing company(-ies) are responsible for preparing a communal area adjacent for children's play and adults to walk or rest. And it might be that since the mountain was already a spiritual place and development on it would spoil the traditional atmosphere, I'm guessing that some of the development money was spent on making the mountain more accessible to the new apartment dwellers by replacing the wandering, narrow, broken-cement steps leading to the spiritual heights with a wide staircase and beautifying that staircase with painted themes of mountain spirits, raging tigers, celestial clouds and other symbols of longevity and paradise. Truly beautiful! The artwork does cloak the touches of modernity with a sense of esoteric spiritual appeal.

Another change. On the mountain-side now are clear "walking trails" labeled for the visitor. Obviously tourism has taken hold here and the privacy preferred in shamanic gut (exorcisms) and deep undisturbed meditations are drifting into the past.

One of the biggest "attractions" on the mountain is the "Gijaam", the strangely shaped, dark-pitted rocks erupting skyward in an otherwise rounded-stone mountain. The odd rock formation is believed to be inbued with spiritual powers and to be highly propitious, and as such, is the rock for petitioning one's child-bearing prayers. Another name for the rock is "Seonbawi"--"Seon" (Zen) is for meditation and "bawi" means rock, thus, meditation rock. It was called this as it resembles a monk wearing a long-sleeved Buddhist robe. Two different legends are told about this rock: Some say that it looks like King Taejo, the founding king of Joseon, and his close friend, Master Monk Muhak. Others say that it looks like King Taejo and his queen.

With Buddha's birthday approaching, lanterns are strung in all Buddhist temples, and because Buddhism and shamanism have shared so much through the centuries, why not decorate the shamanic sites too? 

Meditating in a field of dappled color.

The propitious "Gijaam" or "Seonbawi".

Pigeons also find the rock propitious, and have a home where, as luck would have it,
from which no one is likely to chase them away.

During the Japanese occupation the Japanese moved Guksadang Shrine, previously located on Mt. Namsan, nearby, and the rock became a place of worship for shamanic beliefs alongside the Confucian shrine. Old records tell a story about Seonbawi from the time when the capital city was moved to Hanyang (old name of Seoul) during the reign of King Taejo. Master Monk Muhak daesa tried to include the rock inside the 18-kilometer city boundary walls which were to surround the city while prime minister Jeong Dojeon opposed it. Jeong persuaded the king by arguing that Confucianism would prevail if the rock were excluded from the capitol's territory, while Buddhism would flourish if the rock were included within the capitol precincts. When the king decided in favor of Jeong's argument, Master Monk Muhak is known to have sighed and said, "Monks will from now on follow scholars around carrying their books." Some suggest that monks were later expelled from the city walls based on this far-reaching decision of King Taejo.

For those interested, the rock is listed as Seoul Folklore Material No. 4. I am unable at present to find a list of folklore material in its entirety, so unfortunately have no idea just how many there are.

Sansawon Brewery and Makgeolli Tour

The Makgeolli Mamas and Papas in Korea (MMPK) is a one-stop-shop for makgeolli information in English, as their Facebook page claims, and this is most certainly true. MMPK has established a vibrant and information-packed website which offers more than information. It offers makgeolli tasting meet-ups, descriptions of the many subtle flavors of the wide-expanding makgeolli market, makgeolli brewing classes as well as tours of a makgeolli brewery that has a museum filled with artifacts for making distilled Korean drinks from ancient times up through the present. Founded by Julia Mellor (Australian) and Monica Kluge (Canadian) in November 2011, the Mamas and Papas has grown and now is followed by nearly 2000 members.

But what exactly is makgeolli? Etymologically speaking, it is "rice wine" but sometimes it is defined as "rice beer" because the proof is so low. However, the best (as in most hilarious but on a deeper plane very true) translation offered to honor the common-man drink was "drunken rice" which was published in an advertisement in the Wall Street Journal by a Korean eager to market makgeolli in the US. Needless to say, the description didn't sound positive and neither did it take off with the international audience, and yet, the description isn't un-logical.

Basically, makgeolli is a milky-white drink of low alcoholic content that is made from sticky rice, water and a wheat fermentation starter (nuruk). It was a common-man's drink and was drunk out in the fields when working, drunk when it rained (returning practice to Korea), drunk at festivals and community events, even kids were initiated to the mildly intoxicating drink at an early age. In a 12th-century Chinese Song Dynasty document the beverage was first referenced and attributed to a drink for a commoner: "a thin-tasting alcohol of deep hue that does not cause much drunkenness". (More hilarity on the "drunken rice" translation concept!)

History of Makgeolli

Prior to the Koryeo Dynasty (918-1392) there was no fermentation in Korea. The sojus at the time were more like the present-day ahrak, still typical in steppe cultures. However, with invasion of the Mongols also came introduction of new technology, recipes, ways of farming and warfare methods. One of the things the Mongols brought to the young Koryeo Dynasty was the concept of distillery, which appears to have been widely embraced by the dynasty. The Koryeo Dynasty was particularly interested in trade and through this trade Korean alcohol evolved and spread.

During the Chosun Dynasty (1392-1910), however, family name, status and a hierarchical system became established on the peninsula, and eventually brewing became a status or structure symbol so commoners were forbidden brewing rights, unless of course they were given permission. So the age of home-brewing began, and mothers passed on their home recipes of alcohol, kimchi, etc via word or mouth ... and brewing just wasn't done on the trade scale as in the previous dynasty but more as a private family form of bonding through sharing and drinking. The oldest detailed cookbook written by a woman in Korean history is 음식디미방 which details Korean cuisine, ways to store various foods as well as made entries on home-brewing. The author Lady Jang (1598-1680) was of the yangban class and so had learned the unscholarly Hangeul script deemed suitable for women, and when her son was getting married, she collected her thoughts and compiled her book of mother's love and advice for him.

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However, with the collapse of the Chosun Dynasty and the era of Japanese occupation (1910-1945), many home recipes were lost. This was a time when a lot of tradition was lost as the Japanese implemented many kinds of social and educational changes that affected the family structure. Taxes were placed on all approved industries, and supporters of the Japanese were offered these licenses; non-approved industries were not to operate. The brewery taxes were also implemented and this was the first of the Japanese taxes upon the Korean people. Rice was demanded increasingly as a tax payment from the Korean subjects and this loss of key ingredient to the brewing of makgeolli affected the traditional recipe. In result, the ingredient 고지 (sake yeast) was instituted instead of the traditional 누룩 used by the Koreans. While makgeolli could be once again marketed on a more industrial scale, with the substituted ingredient, the flavor was altered as was the overall fermentation reaction.

Park Chung-hee (1961-1979), radical military-coup president, further damaged the traditional brewing of makgeolli by placing a ban on all rice brewing. During this time, there was a lot of experimentation with alternative brewing to satisfy the people's desire for a cheap and yet palatable social drink. Ingredients ranged wildly from (some illegal rice brewing), tapioca, sweet potato, and even wheat flour that had been heavily introduced by the Americans during the Korean War. The ban on making makgeolli with rice lasted until 1999, many years after Park's assassination.

Over time and with the introduction of foreign alcoholic drinks which were seen as more prestigious, especially as makgeolli became associated with farming and the older generation, the younger generation moved on to beers, sojus and other fermented drinks, relegating makgeolli to the older generation. However, in 2008, 2009 and 2010 there was a revival and a boom in the makgeolli industry, which included a boom in international recognition and sales. The boom lasted about three years but in that time, the younger generation saw makgeolli as a drink that could be revised with the times and could therefore be trendy. As a result, some of the "new and improved" makgeolli drinks were even extended beyond just beverage product:

• A bar in Hyehwa (a trendy off-Broadway type area) makes a makgeolli slushy, which is rather sweet and being cold the alcohol content can't be readily distinguished.
• Kahlua makgeolli ice cream has been introduced, accepted and locally popularized.
• Champagne makgeolli comes with a special bottle that the moment it is opened, the champagne and activating ingredient(s) self-mix and give a bubbly reaction. Unfortunately, this makgeolli is known to have a high aspartame content.
• Fusion "cocktails" with makgeolli are indeed a huge rage with kiwi, raspberry, 오미자 (shizandra), grapefruit, to name a few.
• Pumpkin makgeolli, an undiluted makgeolli of 10-14% ABV, enjoyed some seasonal popularity also.

Makgeolli Today

There are many kinds of nuruk. The geumjeonsan flat disks are very common to traditional brewing, but for the ease of home-brrewing, bio-nuruk (the bottom-most picture below) has become popular. It is commercially packaged and comes in short, dried spaghetti-like pieces. Because it is packaged, it makes a quick purchase and can be stored in a cool cupboard for longer than geumjeongsan nuruk can be stored in a dark, cool, ventilated storeroom. 

Typically in traditional brewing the nuruk cakes are formed into large flat molds and then placed in a cool ventilated dark area on straw for removing storage and also sharing natural organisms.

Vessels for holding the powdered nuruk and breaking it down further are called hangari pots. They are porous, which allows the fermentation to leak out but disallows oxygen to enter.

Kanghwado is famous for good rice used in brewing. In fact, the province has historically been called "the king's fields of rice". However, this image of plentitude and abundance is changing. With an increasing population and loss of farmlands to rapidly spreading high-rise apartments, "the king's field of rice" is disappearing. Society is now based on a 빠리빠리 (hurry hurry) attitude, and the slow  and community-embued methods for brewing are disappearing. With the larger population to serve, there is a demand for more shelf-life and a faster-brewing process.

More changes have taken place in the preparation and processing of ingredients. Aspartame (most commonly used), stevioside (from the stevia plant), and erythritol have been added to makgeolli. Aspartame has become a key ingredient for slowing spoilage, which could otherwise take place in 10 days. By adding aspartame shelf-life can be extended to as much as 30 days, and there is a more consistency of flavor because even after makgeolli is bottled it continues to ferment (and very rapidly too). Although refrigeration is key in slowing the fermentation process, aspartame somehow is an enzyme inhibitor and similarly slows the fermentation of the product. Adding aspartame is also a secret ingredient as a flavor enhancer and a disguiser of the underlying fault of an incorrect brew or the gradual spoilage that comes with the extended shelf-life. Today the market has a wide number of makgeolli brands and it is guestimated that 85-90% of them add aspartame to their brew. Julia Mellor, co-founder of MMPK and strong advocate for traditional brewing like that done at Sansawon brewery expressed her opinion on "cheating" the brew by using aspartame, "If you're having to sweeten [the makgeolli], then you're not brewing it right." Seems very logical, especially in light of the fact that there is a big push to remove aspartame from the makgeolli brews as more and more people are expressing their concern over the damages to health that aspartame is known to cause.

Sansawon Brewery

The Sansawon brewery embraces the changing makgeolli industry while striving to maintain traditional brewing standards, which include not adding aspartame or other artificial sugars to the brews. Sansawon has a museum with artifacts on brewery, farming and cultivation as well as a lecture  room set up for teaching makgeolli brewing principles as well as offering tours on the grounds and through a segment of the brewery itself. The brewery has some very innovative ideas regarding the preservation of traditional brewing methods. That is, they retain the methods but continually expand the flavors and uses of makgeolli. Other kinds of liquors made at the brewery include:

• 탁주 - commercially it is watered down
• 청주 - also known as yangju; tends to be sweet and have a relatively high alcoholic content
• 소주 - what is commercially sold is not "good" as it has been quickly manufactured, poor ingredients were used, and is usually about 19-20% alcohol. (Wonju soju, on the other hand, is not watered down.)

The picture below is a collection of huge onggi vats for keeping alcohols. The initial idea of Sansawon was to "sell" a pot to someone and the buyer could fill it with jeongju or soju (not makgeolli because of quick spoilage), and the buyer would let the alcohol ripen/mature over time, coming whenever he or she wanted to dip in and take out some. Unfortunately, the idea was too new and innovative and few pots sold. Those that sold, many still have alcohol continually fermenting in them; however, the majority of pots remain empty ... but they sure do make a lovely conversation setting for visitors who are avidly interested in the vast collection.

For directions to Sansawon, the best way is to take a bus from Dong Seoul terminal to Ildong, and from there take a taxi (about 5-10 mins and W8-9,000). There are public buses to take, and here's a link to the KTO website for details.

Other Makgeolli Information

There is only one said-to-be gluten-free makgeolli on the market known to Julia Mellor, our tour guide and makgeolli-experience host. This particular makgeolli (jutaek chapsall saengju - 주택찹쌀생주) is particularly hard to find but every makgeolli produced by the company is supposed to be gluten-free and is a kick-back to the original traditional brewing. 100% sticky rice, rice nuruk and clean water are the ingredients. For all intents and purposed it is really a cheongju, but as they include a small amount of sediment it is referred to as a takju. Read more on this brand here (in Korean).

Traditionally brewed makgeolli has different flavors based on when in the 10-day-to-spoilage timespan a person is drinking. A stamped date on each bottle tells the production or bottling date and from that date, a person knows he or she has only 10 days to consume the drink before flinging it. Also based on that date, imbibers can assume the flavor that they will be experiencing as the flavors are like the seasons, and labeled as such:

Days	SEASON	FLAVOR	% ABV
1-3 days	SPRING	Sweet	5.5%
4-6 days	SUMMER	Not so sweet	6.2%
7-9 days	FALL	Becoming sour (gaining carbonation)	6.5%
10 days	WINTER	Sour/tart; dry	6.9%
Can’t sell after this date without aspartame

MMPK has a sister group called the Makgeolli Makers. They specialize in the brewing side of the community.

Mungyeong Tea Bowl Festival

The beautiful city of Mungyeong is located at the northern tip of Gyeongsangbuk-do and known for its gorgeous scenery, historic sites, and the charming annual Tea Bowl Festival. Composed of several smaller townships, Mungyeong was and remains a major area for ceramics manufacture and is home to several master potters. The city is also known for the beautifully preserved fortress walls and gates of the Mungyeong Saejae, a famed mountain pass between the main rise of Joryeong Mountain and Sinseon Peak. The pass is the last remaining section of the great Yeongnam Road that connected Seoul to Busan during the Joseon dynasty, and holds an important place in history and folklore as the main route for scholars from Gyeongsang Province heading to and from the capital for the national exams. Three of the original gates still remain, and are part of the backbone of a major hiking trail.

To get an understanding of what is historically offered in Mungyeong, we began our explorations at the Confucian Literature Hall and the Ceramics Museum to learn about key aspects of Mungyeong’s cultural heritage. Some of us even ventured to enjoy the special local food, yakdol gogi, a grilled pork dish developed in the region and famed for its slightly chewy texture. Onward we ventured to the festival site, hosted in a folk village designed and used for filming historical dramas. The entire village was set up as a collection of viewing rooms for different potters and artists, booths for traditional clothes, toys and foods also lined the folk village streets creating an "other world" feeling and lending some authenticity to the creation of an old culture. The many ceramic exhibitions which featured both local and international artists, the cultural performances, samples of local products, and chances to learn more about Korean pottery and ceramic traditions were the inter-twining themes of the festival.

Pottery wall display wall in the 문경도자기박물관 

Mungyeong ceramics in harmony with the surroundings

Mungyeong is a unique region with inherited surroundings for creating ceramic works. It is located in the Baekdu-dagan, the "spine" of the Korean peninsula, and possesses regional characteristics for the ceramics industry: abundant high-quality clay, pure water from valleys, and a huge supply of firewood from thickly-wooded forests. Haneuljae is the oldest mountain pass in Korea and serves for securing a market through a canal connecting the nearby Namhan and Nakdong Rivers.

History of Mungyeong ceramics (from celadon to white porcelain kilns)

The history of Mungyeong ceramics originates from the celadon porcelain era, in that celadon kilns were discovered at Gansong-ri and Noeun-ri in Mungyeong. The celadons excavated in thee kilns were glazed with dark green enamel and fired on fireproof clay supports, which is coincidental with characteristics shown in the plain celadon of the 12th century. Also, a celadon kiln, dated in the 14th and 15th centuries, and a Buncheong ware kiln dated to the 16th century, were found respectively at Wanjang-ri and Sangdal-ri. White porcelain kilns found throughout Mungyeong, starting with the early Joseon period kiln of Wanjang-ri, were identified as 16th and 20th century constructions. Over 80 kilns have been discovered so far in the area. This number includes 4 Goryeo celadon kilns, 1 Buncheong ware kiln and 76 white porcelain kilns, and it is estimated that around 200 kilns remain undiscovered.

Pottery types can be divided into high-quality vessels for government officials and plainware for commoners. Mungyeong has been renowned for the latter. Its ceramics feature simple and natural aesthetics preferring a value of practicality to luxuriance and artificiality. Bowls, soup plates, dishes, sauce bowls, bottles, ritual vessels, among others, are the more familiar artifacts within this area.

Mungyeong ceramics inherit the ancient tradition of Korean ceramics. Its long ceramic history throughout 900 years covering Goryeo celadon, Buncheong ware and white porcelain of the Joseon period to contemporary pottery is unique in Korea, and its spirit has transpired into sagijang (important intangible cultural property) and myeongjang (ceramic master), an honorable title for those who have persisted in the traditional productive techniques for generations.

Ceramic properties of celadon

Celadon is to be coated with ferric feldspar dirt glaze on a white clay object containing elements of iron and then to be fired at 1300°C. This type of celadon ware became well-established at the beginning of the Goryeo period (10th century) through dynasty efforts to preserve the earthenware tradition of the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods as well as the influences of China-wares. Celadon showed its unique beauty with the appearance of pale-jade green, with the purest of celadons appearing in the early 12th century, and which flourished along with inlay work which was favored by royal families. 

source (excellent information) & source

Ceramic properties - Buncheong ware

Buncheong ware is made by different methods of coating white dirt on the gray or grayish black base dirt. Originating from Goryeo celadon, most of the forms resembled those of celadon; however, Buncheong ware has developed its own sense of aesthetics integrating bold flowing lines on the shapes full of resilience and liveliness. It flourished in the 14th to 16th centuries, but disappeared after the Japanese invasion of 1592.

source and source

Ceramic properties - white porcelain

White porcelain is to be made by coating crystal paint on the pure white base dirt and firing it at 1300°C. Although some pieces existed in the early Goryeo period, white porcelains were produced consistently during the Joseon period so that they are called representative of Joseon pottery used among all classes from the government officials to the general public. White porcelain is categorized as follows: the pure white porcelain, Cheonghwa white porcelain, Cheolhoe white porcelain, and Jinsa white porcelain, according to the pattern decorating techniques and painting methods. 

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Tea bowl vs. plain bowl

The tea bowl is a vessel for mixing powdered tea and is also referred to as a dawan. The original Korean tea bowls were a kind of Buncheong ware, a type of living ware used by the common people. However, the style was transmitted to Japan during the Japanese invasion in 1592 and, the Goryeo-dawan style beloved by the Japanese, became integrated with the Japanese tea culture.

The beauty and aesthetics of many forms of pottery and ceramics at the festival were spectacular in not only their construction but in their presentation. Here, the pottery had merely the simple backdrop of the "traditional" village.
Grace and flow of lines and muted colors are appealing to the eye and transmit themselves well
to the meditative qualities needed in the traditional tea ceremonies.